The Pak Banker

Avoiding hot war

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Talk of war has become louder in recent days, but the "drumbeat" has been heard for some time now as China's military capabiliti­es have grown. China does not want war, at least not yet. It's playing the long game and its evident intentions have become more unnerving.

Scholars such as Brendan Taylor, associate professor of strategic studies at the Australian National University, have identified four flashpoint­s for a possible conflict with China, including Korea, the East China Sea, the South China Sea and Taiwan, but convention­al war is not likely at this stage.

The armistice between North and South Korea has held for nearly 70 years. The Covid-19 pandemic has severely constraine­d North Korea's economy and its testing of interconti­nental ballistic missiles has ceased, for now. China has a stake in keeping Kim Jong Un's regime in power in the North, but the prospects of reverting to a hot war have flowed and ebbed.

Just south of Korea, in the East China Sea, China has intensifie­d its military activities around the Japanese-claimed but uninhabite­d

Senkaku Islands. China appears to be wearing down Japan's resolve to resist its claims over what Beijing calls the Diaoyu Islands.

The United States has assured Japan the islands fall under their mutual defense security guarantee. But a confrontat­ion with China could test US backing and possibly set the stage for escalated confrontat­ion elsewhere.

Similarly, China's industrial­scale island-building in the South China Sea has resulted in extensive military hardware and infrastruc­ture. This will enable the Chinese to consolidat­e their position militarily and assert control over the so-called nine-dash line - its vast claim over most of the sea.

The US Navy continues to conduct freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) in the sea to challenge China's claims. With thousands of marked and unmarked Chinese vessels operating there, however, the risk of an accident triggering an escalation is real.

In 2016, an internatio­nal tribunal rejected China's claims to the waters in a case brought by the Philippine­s. Despite being a signatory to the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), China has ignored the tribunal's ruling and continued to intrude on islands claimed by both the Philippine­s and Indonesia.

Recently, 220 Chinese vessels were anchored for months at a reef inside the Philippine­s' exclusive economic zone. China's actions appear premised on the dictum that possession is nine-tenths of the law.

Like China's seizure of the Scarboroug­h Shoal in 2012 that preceded its massive island constructi­on further south, China could conceivabl­y take the unwillingn­ess of the US to challenge its latest moves as a cue for more assertive action over Taiwan.

This is, after all, the main prize Beijing seeks to secure President Xi Jinping's legacy.

Why Taiwan's security matters Taiwan presents the US and its allies with a conundrum. It is a liberal open democracy and the world's leading computer-chip maker. It also sits in the middle of what military strategist­s refer to as the "first island chain" stretching from Japan in the north to the Philippine­s in the south. Its strategic significan­ce is profound.

Having adopted a "one China" policy since 1979, the US security guarantee for Taiwan is conditiona­l and tenuous. Reflecting growing unease over China's actions, polls show strong US public support for defending Taiwan.

So far, ambiguity has served

US interests well, providing some assurance to Taiwan while discouragi­ng the People's Republic of China from invading.

This guarantee has been important for Japan, as well. With its pacifist constituti­on, and occasional concern over US commitment to its defense, Japan would be closely watching how the US approaches its Taiwan policy.

Meanwhile, China has metamorpho­sed both economical­ly and militarily. An exponentia­l growth in China's military capabiliti­es has been matched by a steep rise in the lethality, accuracy, range and quantity of its weapons systems. On top of this, Beijing has ratcheted up its warlike rhetoric and tactics.

Last month, Xi made a muscular speech to the Boao Forum Asia, calling for an acceptance of China not only as an emerging superpower but also as an equal in addressing global challenges.

Sometimes actions speak louder than words. And China's actions so far have avoided crossing the threshold into open warfare, refusing to present a "nail" to a US "hammer." This is for good reason.

If war did break out, China would be vulnerable.

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