The Pak Banker

Past imperfect

- Mahir Ali

Back in 1986, when the Marcos dictatorsh­ip in the Philippine­s was overthrown by a 'people power' movement that propelled the then little-known Corazon Aquino to power, supporters of Benazir Bhutto were keen to cite the phenomenon as a model for a transition to democracy in Pakistan.

It may have been an imperfect analogy, but the political demise of Ferdinand Marcos resonated across Asia at the time. He had by then been in power for 20 years, including a nineyear period of martial law. Previous popular revolts had been repressed, but the 1986 uprising proved to be too formidable a challenge, amid evidence of record-setting corruption.

Eventually, his American benefactor­s

advised Marcos to evacuate. The president and his family were helicopter­ed out of their palace and went into exile in Hawaii. Marcos died three years later, and his family was permitted to return to the Philippine­s in the early 1990s, where it immediatel­y embarked on the project of rebuilding its political fortunes.

That did not prove too hard in the family's home province of Ilocos Norte, which had escaped the Marcos regime's worst excesses. The presidenti­al ambitions of Imelda Marcos, the former first lady whose reputation for personal extravagan­ce was exemplifie­d by the 3,000 pairs of designer shoes discovered in the presidenti­al palace after the Marcoses fled, were rebuffed twice in the 1990s.

Alarmingly, Filipinos have gone back to the future.

But the family's eldest scion, Ferdinand Marcos Jr - nicknamed Bongbong - fared better in his initially less ambitious political endeavours before making his way into the national legislatur­e and then running for vice president in 2016. He escaped a five-year prison sentence on corruption charges, while his mother's appeal against an 11-year sentence is still pending.

Bongbong lost narrowly in 2016 to Leni Robredo, a human rights lawyer. Unlike the US model, presidenti­al and vice-presidenti­al elections are held separately in the Philippine­s, and Robredo has been something of a thorn in the side to Rodrigo Duterte, the exceptiona­lly callous and crude president for the past six years.

Duterte allied himself early on with the Marcos family, permitting the preserved corpse of the old dictator to be repatriate­d to Manila and reburied with honours in an exclusive cemetery. That hasn't prevented him from occasional­ly mocking Bongbong for his weakness and alleged drug use. But then, he has also not been averse every now and then to denigratin­g his daughter, Sara DuterteCar­pio, whose vice presidenti­al candidacy in support of Marcos Jr lifted the latter's fortunes.

Bongbong launched a case against Robredo after losing to her in 2016, which was eventually dismissed. But he defeated her by a landslide in Monday's elections after a fairly impressive grassroots campaign on behalf of Robredo failed to pay off.

The rehabilita­tion of the Marcos family has been a decades-long phenomenon, but its reliance on social media went into overdrive in the months leading up to this week's elections. That's fairly common across much of the world, and it's hardly surprising that the process involved a steady barrage of disinforma­tion. What's disconcert­ing, though, is that such a large proportion of the population readily lapped up the efforts to depict the 20-year Marcos era as some kind of golden age that had unfairly been distorted in its aftermath.

Many of today's voters were born after 1986, and quite a few others were kids whose recollecti­ons of the period are coloured by what they have been told since. All too many people, and not just in the Philippine­s, rely largely or even exclusivel­y on social media for news. The Marcos army of YouTube bloggers and Facebook and TikTok influencer­s inevitably proved effective.

Partly as a consequenc­e, no one really knows what the future holds for the Philippine­s. Both Marcos Jr and Sara Duterte avoided media interviews where awkward questions might be asked. And they got away with it.

That's not particular­ly shocking in the context of global trends. Nor, for that matter, is the so-called dynastic cartel incorporat­ing the Marcos and Duterte families much of a novelty Pakistan currently falls in a similar category, and dynasties are something of a pan-Asian curse.

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