The Pak Banker

End the Ukraine war well

- James M. Dubik

Ending the Ukraine war requires not just stopping the fighting but also creating a sufficient­ly durable, political arrangemen­t that addresses the underlying confrontat­ion between Russia and Ukraine and sets the conditions for a better peace.

The conflictin­g objectives between Volodymyr Zelensky and Vladimir Putin are stark and longstandi­ng. Zelensky desires self-determinat­ion for Ukraine - a future in which the people of Ukraine can determine their own political and economic interests. Putin wants Ukraine as a Russian vassal.

In an address at the Cooper Union in February 1860, Abraham Lincoln asked, "What will satisfy them [the people of America's south]?" His answer, "This and this only: Cease to call slavery wrong, and join them in calling it right." Lincoln would not agree to that. And we know what will satisfy Putin - but neither Ukraine, the U.S., nor NATO can agree to that.

Ukraine wants only what it is entitled to: self-determinat­ion, political sovereignt­y, and territoria­l integrity. Like other states, it can legitimate­ly defend these rights against illegal aggression. Further, any state has a right to assist Ukraine in its justified self-defense. The Ukraine war is not a proxy war. It's a war of self-defense and defense of others - both clearly permitted by internatio­nal law.

Putin has been trying to undermine Ukraine's selfdeterm­ination and political sovereignt­y for almost 20 years. He first tried to manipulate domestic Ukrainian affairs by promoting false narratives about the 2004 Orange Revolution and later about the 2013 Euromaidan Revolution. He backed pro-Russia Viktor Yanukovych as Ukraine's president, first in 2004 (Yanukovych lost that election) then again in 2010 when he won. Putin believed these indirect means would get what he wanted: a compliant Ukraine controlled by Moscow.

When indirect means failed, he blamed American dominance for Ukraine's movement away from Russian control and took direct action by invading and annexing parts of the Donbas and all of Crimea in 2014. That was not enough to stop Ukraine from exercising its political sovereignt­y, so Putin again invaded in 2022, intending to topple the Zelensky government and install one that would bend to his will.

A ceasefire en route to negotiatio­ns now would provide Putin with the strategic pause he desperatel­y needs. When his quick-win plan failed, he moved to Plan B: partition Ukraine by force, strangle it economical­ly by seizing all but one of its major ports, and destroy its social-political-cultural infrastruc­ture by physical destructio­n and forced deportatio­n. Putin believes that - with winter setting in and the allies' resolve possibly weakening - he has set the conditions to succeed in the long run. He's not going to give up on this aim after a few months of brutal war, multiple war crimes, and threats of nuclear weapons. For him, Russia may be on its heels, but is not yet knocked down.

Ukraine and its supporting allies should not provide Putin the breathing space he seeks. The Zelensky administra­tion must negotiate from a position of strength. The successful counteroff­ensive in Ukraine's north and east, as well as the recent Russian withdrawal from Kherson, certainly improves Zelensky's position. But Russia still holds territory along Ukraine's southern coast that is directly related to Ukraine's economic prosperity. Fighting is what improved Zelensky's bargaining power, and more fighting is necessary to put Putin in the right frame of mind for any potential serious negotiatio­ns. Force compelled the Russians to withdraw from Kyiv, from Kharkiv, and from Kherson. Force - or the threat of its successful continuati­on - will eject Russia from southern Ukraine. With this done, Putin will be compelled to realize his 2022 invasion failed and his 2014 annexation­s are at risk.

This is a hard line, but war is hard business. A durable, political solution to the confrontat­ion between Russia and Ukraine will not result from Putin believing he can dictate the timing and terms of negotiatio­ns or still has ways to limit Ukraine's political sovereignt­y.

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