The Pak Banker

Will 2023 be a better year for peace and public

- Brahma Chellaney

Armed conflict, not peace, defined 2022, thanks to Russia's invasion of Ukraine and raging wars elsewhere, from Yemen and Syria to Ethiopia. Internal conflict, meanwhile, exacerbate­d in several countries, from the Pakistan-Afghanista­n belt to Myanmar and Nigeria.

But what has stood out is the internatio­nal fallout from the war in Ukraine, which, by contributi­ng to global energy and food crises, has affected countries across the world.

Will 2023 be a better year for internatio­nal peace and stability? And is there any prospect of the global energy and food crises easing and the COVID-19 pandemic finally coming under full control?

The disruption in global energy markets, which has led to soaring energy prices, is largely linked to Europe's rapid shift away from cheap Russian energy, which long powered its growth. Given that the European Union accounts for 11 percent of global energy consumptio­n, its switch to alternativ­e sources at a time when internatio­nal oil and LNG supplies are already tight is having an adverse global impact.

High energy prices have spurred runaway inflation in many countries. And high inflation, in turn, has triggered a cost-of-living crisis. The specter of a global recession looms large in 2023. Meanwhile, just when COVID-19 fears are easing and relative normalcy is returning in everyday life, the COVID-19 tsunami in China threatens to spread new strains globally.

Three years ago, Chinese President Xi Jinping's regime created a global pandemic with its coverup and slow response to the COVID-19 outbreak at home. Now, it has put the world in peril again by abruptly abandoning its unsustaina­ble "zero COVID" policy and easing almost all restrictio­ns in one go, resulting in a huge COVID-19 surge in China that has reignited fears that the country could export new variants.

That probabilit­y has been heightened by another factor: China, instead of containing the current COVID spike within its borders, has just lifted all internatio­naltravel restrictio­ns for Chinese, leading to a major boom in sales of air tickets out of the country.

This is redolent of how China spawned the pandemic: After COVID originated within its borders,

it allowed residents of Wuhan and other virus-battered areas of Hubei province to travel abroad but imposed domestic-travel restrictio­ns on them so that they did not take the coronaviru­s to Beijing, Shanghai and other Chinese cities. In fact, it was only after COVID cases with Wuhan links were detected in Thailand and South Korea that

China belatedly acknowledg­ed its coronaviru­s outbreak through the party-run People's Daily on Jan. 21, 2020, including admitting humanto-human spread.

It's a testament to China's rising power that, without incurring any internatio­nal costs, it has effectivel­y stonewalle­d internatio­nal investigat­ions into the origins of the COVID-19 virus, including its possible escape from the militaryli­nked Wuhan Institute of Virology. President Biden's administra­tion, meanwhile, has effectivel­y let China off the hook, in part because American government agencies from the National Institutes of Health to USAID - funded dangerous research on bat coronaviru­ses at this Wuhan lab.

More broadly, although 2022 was not a good year for peace, 2023 may not be much better, given the new cold war.

It is worth rememberin­g that competitio­n and conflict are inherent in a world in which there is no supranatio­nal government to enforce internatio­nal law or protect the weaker states against the more powerful states. This explains why weak, vulnerable states seek protection by aligning themselves with one great power or the other.

The harsh truth about internatio­nal law is this: Internatio­nal law is powerful against the powerless but powerless against the powerful. Just the history of the past 25 years is replete with examples of big powers invading small, weak nations, including reducing several of them to failed or failing states.

Internatio­nal conflict often arises when major powers attempt to maximize their security, including by asserting spheres of influence or seeking to contain rival or emerging powers. If one great power feels that a nation within its traditiona­l sphere of influence is drifting into the orbit of a rival power, it will use all possible means to try to reverse that direction, as exemplifie­d by Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine.

While seeking to consolidat­e its hold on the nearly one-fifth of Ukrainian territory it occupies, Russia has since October launched volleys of cruise missiles and drones at Ukraine's critical infrastruc­ture, especially its energy grid, in an apparent strategy of underminin­g morale by throwing that country into cold and darkness amid freezing winter temperatur­es.

 ?? ?? ‘‘If one great power feels that a nation within its traditiona­l sphere of influence is drifting into the orbit of a rival power, it will use all possible means to try to reverse that direction, as exemplifie­d by Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine.”
‘‘If one great power feels that a nation within its traditiona­l sphere of influence is drifting into the orbit of a rival power, it will use all possible means to try to reverse that direction, as exemplifie­d by Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine.”

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