Business World

Dismantlin­g the culture of impunity

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In 2015, the Philippine­s was number four in the Committee to Protect Journalist­s’ (CPJ) Impunity Index, after Somalia, Iraq, and Syria. The Index lists those countries where the killers of journalist­s are seldom, if ever, punished, with many literally getting away with murder. The first three countries are failed states, which raises the question of why the Philippine­s should be in their company, but the numbers speak for themselves. Only in 11 cases out of 152 journalist­s’ murders since 1986 have the killers of journalist­s and media workers been prosecuted, and very rarely have mastermind­s been tried.

“Only” (one killing is one too many) two journalist­s were killed for their work early this year during the final months of the Benigno S. C. Aquino III administra­tion. The killings brought to 152 the number of journalist­s killed for their work in the Philippine­s since 1986. Seven were killed in 2015, while an average of five each year were murdered from 2010 to 2016 during the Aquino watch.

It’s too early to tell if it will hold, but no journalist has so far been killed for his work in the Philippine­s since President Rodrigo Duterte assumed office in June this year, although an attempt was made on the life of a broadcaste­r in that month. The New York-based CPJ urged President Duterte to have that attempt investigat­ed, but there is no indication that the Philippine National Police or any other law enforcemen­t agency has been doing anything about it.

CPJ was among the internatio­nal press freedom watch groups that expressed fears that Duterte was encouragin­g the killing of journalist­s when the then presumptiv­e president declared in the latter part of May this year that journalist­s were being killed in the Philippine­s because they were corrupt, while the Paris- based group Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF - Reporters Without Borders) urged a boycott of his press conference­s for the same reason.

Most Filipinos who read newspapers, watch television, or listen to the radio have since known what followed: Duterte’s wolf whistle when a female reporter asked him a question, his going ballistic when he was asked about the state of his health, his declaratio­n that he would himself boycott privately owned media and would henceforth course his press conference­s only through State media, and his calling off the boycott in deeds if not in words ( he didn’t seem to mind privately owned media’s eventually covering his press conference­s and public engagement­s). Most observers, however, continued to describe the relationsh­ip between the media and Duterte as problemati­c, “rocky” being their favorite word to describe it.

But oddly enough for someone most media people think isn’t exactly ecstatic over how they’re doing their jobs, Duterte’s first administra­tive order creates a “presidenti­al task force on violations of the right to life, liberty, and security of the members of the media.”

Administra­tive Order ( AO) No. 1 starts with no less than 15 “whereases,” among them five citations from the Constituti­on, three from the United Nations, and one from Human Rights Watch to declare “as a matter of policy” that violence against journalist­s, which “creates an impression ( sic) of a culture of impunity,” “must stop, and towards this end, commits to establish a government-wide program of action ( in which) the whole system of the bureaucrac­y is involved in the efficient, coherent, and comprehens­ive resolution of unsolved cases of violence in the form of killings, enforced disappeara­nces, torture and other grave violations of the right to life, liberty and security of… the members of the press.”

The task force, which would “have the mandate of ensuring a safe environmen­t for Media Workers,” is composed of the Secretary of the Department of Justice (DoJ), the Secretary of the Presidenti­al Communicat­ions Operations Office (PCOO), the Secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG), the Secretary of the Department of National Defense (DND), the Solicitor General, the Executive Director of the Presidenti­al Human Rights Committee (PHRC), the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippine­s (AFP), the Director General of the Philippine National Police ( PNP), and the Director of the National Bureau of Investigat­ion (NBI). The AO also names as “observers and resource persons” in this high- powered company the presidents or chairs of the National Press Club, the National Union of Journalist­s of the Philippine­s, the Kapisanan ng Brodkaster ng Pilipinas ( KBP), the Publishers Associatio­n of the Philippine­s, and the Philippine Press Institute.

Past administra­tions, such as those of Gloria Macapagal- Arroyo and Benigno S. C. Aquino III, also created task forces to address the killing of journalist­s and media workers, but did not succeed in stopping or even reducing the number of killings.

The Aquino administra­tion record of 31 journalist­s killed over a six-year period would have approached that of Macapagal-Arroyo had not 32 journalist­s and media

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