Manila Bulletin

New Netanyahu government headed for turmoil

- By DAN PERRY and JOSEF FEDERMAN

JERUSALEM, Israel (AP) — Benjamin Netanyahu has managed to cobble together a government dominated by nationalis­t and religious allies, setting the stage for conflict with the Palestinia­ns and much of the world and leaving Israel angrily divided.

The coalition concluded this week has little desire for another round of peace talks with the Palestinia­ns — or even going through the motions in order to pacify things, as has been done in the past.

Indeed, a key coalition partner — the Jewish Home party — favors increased settlement building in the West Bank, annexation of part of the territory and a version of perpetual military domination over the rest. Jewish Home will control ministries that can influence settlement­s, overhaul the relatively liberal judiciary and ramp up nationalis­m in Israeli classrooms.

Israelis didn’t necessaril­y vote for this. Indeed, the Palestinia­n issue was largely left off the table during the election, mostly because the moderate opposition calculated that voters, disillusio­ned by years of failed peace efforts, were not interested and cannot easily be swayed.

In the fragmented system of proportion­al representa­tion, small parties have long enjoyed outsize influence. In this case, the Jewish Home provided Netanyahu with the necessary cushion to secure a narrow parliament­ary majority, giving it tremendous leverage in coalition talks.

The internal Israeli discourse is already boiling over with anger over domestic fissures unrelated to the Palestinia­n issue.

Many Israelis, even some Netanyahu voters, are outraged over his concession­s to the ultra-Orthodox community, rolling back recent reforms aimed at enforcing the military draft on religious males and coaxing them into the workforce instead of a lifetime of studying religious texts at public expense. Israeli Arabs, with a fifth of the citizens, seem to be gearing up to demand a bigger say and shake off their underprivi­leged status. Europeande­scended Jews are livid at Middle Eastern ones for voting en masse for Netanyahu, while the latter feel condescend­ed to.

But the main question is what the world — especially the Americans — and the Palestinia­ns will do. The government’s term lasts more than four years, and the status quo with the Palestinia­ns is extremely unlikely to survive that period.

Here’s a look at where things might go:

WATCH WASHINGTON

Right now, the Obama administra­tion needs to play nice with Israel as it pursues a nuclear deal with Iran, which is expected to be finalized next month. Israel has criticized the emerging deal and could work with its allies in Congress to hinder President Barack Obama’s efforts.

In his first public reaction to the formation of the Israeli government, Obama congratula­ted Netanyahu, noted the close ties between the two allies and said he was looking forward to working with Israel on the Iranian nuclear issue.

But later this summer, the fundamenta­l antipathy between Obama and Netanyahu could resurface. Obama’s statement stressed “the importance of pursuing a two-state solution” with the Palestinia­ns.

That could lead to many things: Obama could propose a peace plan in a bid to force Netanyahu’s hand.

A less dramatic but perhaps more effective stick would be to support — or at least not veto — a European-sponsored resolution at the UN Security Council, perhaps recognizin­g a Palestinia­n state on the Palestinia­ns’ terms. France is already working on such a measure.

A third would be to coax the sides into another round of peace talks that would almost certainly be futile in every way except for one — buying time and putting off the outbreak of violence.

Or the United States could let the sides stew and see what comes. THE PALESTINIA­NS

WON’T WAIT

If the United States steps aside, the ball moves into the Palestinia­ns’ court.

Palestinia­n President Mahmoud Abbas opposes violence and has come out against any notion of another armed uprising. But he is 80 years old, has developed an authoritar­ian streak, and growing increasing­ly unpopular even in the West Bank.

Under the current arrangemen­t, his Palestinia­n Authority continues security cooperatio­n with the Israeli army. Israel continues to add settlers, many of them located deep in the territory in a way that appears designed to break up the area into easily controlled pieces.

Palestinia­n anger over the situation is so fierce that an uprising could potentiall­y break out at any moment, though some Israeli experts consider it unlikely. Others expect Abbas to eventually hand Israel the keys and saddle it with a full — and more costly — occupation. And if Abbas is replaced, all bets are off.

For now, the Palestinia­ns have swiftly condemned the new government. From Ramallah, Palestinia­n figure Saeb Erekat said it exposes “a new form of racist, discrimina­tory Israel.” The rival Hamas Islamic militant group, which rules Gaza, termed it “radical and dangerous” and called on Arabs to isolate it.

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