What revolution?

RODRIGO Duterte used to say he’s the Philippines’ first leftist president and that he’s a socialist. Duterte endeared himself to voters and later to many citizens for speaking about “bold reforms.” He spoke about forming a government of national unity, adopting an independent foreign policy, fighting the oligarchy, implementing free land distribution, stopping Endo and contractualization, reforming the tax system, having one single national minimum wage, and addressing the historic grievances of the Bangsamoro.

At other times, he broached the idea of the New People’s Army, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Moro National Liberation Front joining the Armed Forces of the Philippines in concerted actions.

Taken together, these are revolutionary ideas that could bring radical reforms beneficial to the majority. No wonder, his supporters proclaimed a coming Duterte revolution.

But the revolution has not come. Between 30 June 2016 and now, nothing revolutionary has happened under Duterte.

Even the most loyal and most devoted Duterte supporter can only give us a list of “consuelo de bobo” or token reforms, or would only manage to recite the standard refrains of apologists: “It’s been only one year,” “give him a chance,” “look at the bright side,” and so on.

In the past few days, President Duterte has completely shed his previous claims of being a leftist and socialist. He has ordered the Philippine National Police, the chief implementor of the brutal anti-drug war, to “wipe out the NPA.” He said he wants to bomb schools of Lumad. He also shut the door to the peace negotiations.

From claiming to be a leftist and socialist, Duterte is now at war with leftists and socialists.

Duterte has embraced a triad of warmongers and anti-communist defense officials who preach martial law and counterinsurgency war. This triad represents the past that we seek to change — the idea that a military solution, even a most brutal war, would end the so-called communist insurgency — the mindset since the time of Marcos.

Duterte has been obedient to this trio, and we have lots of proof that he obeys. He reneged on his promise to release all political prisoners. He has insisted on a ceasefire, while showing a disinterest in forging agreements on socio-economic and political reforms. He has imposed and extended martial law in Mindanao. Like a marionette, he now spews the standard military lines against the communists.

If there’s a part of the state bureaucracy that needs to be reformed, it is the military and police. Incompetence is their least offense. People have a long list of their offenses and crimes. But under Duterte, they just instantly became new. No reforms needed.

For all his bravado, Duterte has not fought the oligarchy. Instead, Duterte has clinged to the oligarchy and gave the oligarchs starring roles in his economic team.

Consider this: Duterte’s labor department not only has refused to stop contractualization. It could only offer workers a beggarly 116 minimumwage increase. (Labor has rejected the “limos.”)

Consider this too: The oligarchs are “fine” with Duterte’s tax reform package. They are fine with it because it is the poor and the middle class who would bear the burden of expanded excise taxes and other new impositions. What’s so radical or bold in a tax reform that pampers the rich and crucifies the majority?

Our parents and grandparents should be having an endless déjà vu since 2016, starting with Bongbong Marcos’ candidacy and Duterte’s decision to honor the dictator with a hero’s burial.

Like Marcos, Duterte promised a revolution. Like Marcos, he could only deliver a new martial law against revolutionaries. There’s no revolution against the oligarchs and the corrupt — who remain in power and who sustain him in power.

Duterte thinks he can terrorize the NPAs with martial law, Marcosian terror and “street thug” talk. He forgets that Marcos became the NPA’s biggest recruiter and arms supplier. The Reds outlasted Marcos and subsequent regimes.

Today, Duterte’s fall from grace as a self-styled revolutionary is nearly complete: In his post-SONA press conference, he had no second thoughts saying Lumad schools should be bombed.

Bombing schools is cowardly. And history teaches us that cowards have been known to abandon and betray the revolution.