Manila Bulletin

The rule of law and the Constituti­on

- By J. ART D. BRION (RET.) jadb.legalfront@gmail.com.

THE public debate on constituti­onal reform is slowly gaining ground, prodded by the congressio­nal hearings, by our politician­s’ wrangling on how to amend the Constituti­on, and by extensive media coverage.

I have no way of knowing whether our kababayans are already listening and monitoring the developmen­ts. I do hope they are, as they must know what they are ratifying in order to meaningful­ly consent to the amendments.

I can only hope, too, that the government shall make it its business to fully and objectivel­y explain to the people what the maintenanc­e of the status quo or constituti­onal change can mean to them. An informed citizenry is one of the necessary paths to good governance.

So far, nobody knows for sure what the exact terms of the administra­tion’s federalism proposal are. The administra­tion’s hope, it seems, is to generate interest and to hook the people into federalism this early, solely on the strength of President Duterte’s dire prediction­s if no federalism does not take place.

Lest it be forgotten, we are reforming the Constituti­on to make it a more effective governing law for the nation. Likewise, glaringly missing so far is the explanatio­n that a constituti­on can only serve its purpose if its terms are observed and followed.

The best constituti­on cannot lead to effective governance if those enforcing it will not be true to their mandate to follow, protect, and defend it; if those with the authority to interpret it, skews its interpreta­tion for their selfish ends; and if the citizens whom the Constituti­on seeks to protect, are apathetic and do not care whether its terms are observed.

Compliance with the terms of the Constituti­on forms part of the rule of law principle that underlies the democracy we hope to keep alive in this country. The rule of law, as currently understood, is the principle of governance under which all persons, institutio­ns, or entities, public and private, including the State itself, are accountabl­e to laws that are publicly promulgate­d, equally, enforced, and independen­tly adjudicate­d. In short, it translates to the supremacy of the law and the equal treatment of everyone under this law.

The principle is not a new one. In the Arab world, a rich tradition of Islamic law embraced the notion of supremacy of the law. The moral and philosophi­cal traditions across the Asian continent, including Confuciani­sm, have upheld the core principle of placing the wishes of the populace above those of the rulers. Constituti­onalism (or the idea of a fundamenta­l supreme law), on the other hand, has been the focus of the continenta­l European concept of the rule of law. As early as the Magna Carta of 1215 in England, the importance of the judiciary and the judicial process characteri­zed the rule of law. America added its own innovation­s and subsequent­ly passed these on to us.

We are therefore not alone nor the first to adopt the rule of law that underlies our 1935, 1973, and 1987 Constituti­ons. We are merely harvesting the fruits of a rich and old tradition, with our own emphasis to adapt the rule to our own circumstan­ces. The focus of this adaptation is the observance of the supremacy of and accountabi­lity to the law, equality before the law, and fairness in the applicatio­n of the law.

The supremacy and equality aspects are important to us because of our history. While slavery has not existed in our society since the Spanish colonial days, we have been a colony and are not strangers to the view that the colonizers are a class separate and higher than the ordinary citizens. After we achieved independen­ce as a nation, this unbalanced perspectiv­e (with the ruling elite taking the place of the colonizers) quietly continued in the semi-feudal society from which we have not totally emerged.

Today, essential inequality in the enforcemen­t of the law within our society still exists: the rich can get away with violations of the law while the lowly citizens bear the brunt of its enforcemen­t. Our political leaders still use the law to stifle dissent and to retaliate against those who displease them.

Look around us: the examples are too many to be recited. Think of the impeachmen­t of former Chief Justice Renato Corona. The current suspension of the Deputy Ombudsman could be the latest in the litany of these violations in light of the Supreme Court’s existing ruling disallowin­g punitive executive action against the Ombudsman and her deputies.

The requisite fairness in the applicatio­n of the law in our country still leaves much to be desired. The due process clause of our Constituti­on has admittedly served us well in nullifying unreasonab­le laws. But even reasonable laws may be dissimilar­ly applied to the rich and to the poor, to the government official and to the citizen, to the landlord and his tenant, and to the employer and his employee. This happens either because of the lingering imperfecti­on in our system, or purely because of the human interventi­on that adjudicati­on and implementa­tion require.

Let us hope that all these shall be in the consciousn­ess of the framers of the amendments to our Constituti­on and of the people who, hopefully, shall be in the forefront of driving the framers to the amendments we need. Part of this consciousn­ess should be the awareness that we need not amend the Constituti­on if it will not be enforced anyway, if it will not at all benefit the body politic, or worse, if it will only prejudice the nation.

*** I devoted my article last week to Ka Blas Ople, my mentor who unselfishl­y served the nation during his lifetime and who was one of the framers of the Constituti­on that our leaders now propose to amend. I expressed my profound appreciati­on of Ka Blas in this article and I could only wish I had expressly conveyed my thoughts to him during his lifetime, particular­ly my thanks and appreciati­on for the guidance he provided me and many others.

This week, another colleague in the vineyard of the law passed away; I served side by side with her for eight years in the Supreme Court. I refer to Atty. Julieta Y. Carreon, former Division Clerk of Court and later my Chief of Staff, who guided me into the ABCs of life as a Justice of the Supreme Court.

When I was appointed to the court in 2008, I thought I was all prepared to swim with my seasoned colleagues because of my experience­s as Secretary of Labor and as Justice of the Court of Appeals.

To my horror, I immediatel­y found out that I was wrong; I badly needed an experience­d guide in my judicial journey. I found her in Atty. Carreon who unselfishl­y dedicated her hours to the tedious tasks of responding to the court agenda, delineatin­g the critical issues from the submitted pleadings, researchin­g the law, guiding and handholdin­g the lawyers, helping in the drafting of my ponencias and opinions, and providing encouragem­ent during the lonely days of dissent and the darker days of frustratio­ns and heartaches.

Thank you Atty. Carreon (I never called you Juliet, as others did) for your help, guidance, and for being the mother of the JADB SC Office who provided us with continuing drive and stability. How I wish I had expressly appreciate­d your valued services while you could still physically hear it!

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