Manila Bulletin

The Federal Constituti­on

- By FLORANGEL ROSARIO BRAID My e-mail, Florangel.braid@ gmail.com

LET me start by saying that although I find many good features of the newly drafted federal charter, I will state as I have done before that I do not support constituti­onal change, which means that I am against the proposal for a shift to the federal structure and changing the constituti­on at this time. But I would not want this present draft discarded since I think the several amendments and innovation­s could be presented when the time is ripe for constituti­onal change.

My intent in the last piece and this one, is to show some difference­s between the present 1987 Constituti­on and the draft federal charter. I believe in the trustworth­iness of some members of the Consultati­ve Committee; thus, their honest efforts must be recognized. Their initiative­s on strengthen­ing political parties and defining criteria for qualificat­ions for running for public office through an anti-political dynasty provision, are praisewort­hy. The former through the so-called Democracy Fund would assist the funding campaign of talented youth who aspire to run for political office. The provision likewise discourage­s the proliferat­ion of political butterflie­s through penalties imposed on turncoats.

Adding two important commission­s to the three independen­t commission­s – Human Rights and Competitio­n -- is noteworthy. In the light of the many controvers­ies on human rights today, the only way to address the problem is to make the commission independen­t. The same is true with issues regarding the need to ensure a level playing field among business corporatio­ns. Retaining prohibitio­ns against monopolies and unfair competitio­n, encouragem­ent of operation of enterprise­s whose capital is owned by Filipinos.

Many of our countrymen will be pleased with the additional phrase on sovereignt­y rights in ownership of our national territory -- “pursuant to judgments of competent internatio­nal courts or tribunals” -- which implies our adherence to multilater­al agreements. This should strengthen our claim to the West Philippine Sea.

I have seen the positive accomplish­ments in countries having a Constituti­onal Court and am thus happy to see this as a proposal for our judicial system. This would reduce the backlog of the existing Supreme Court which could then leave issues involving constituti­onal disputes to this new Court.

The Article on Education retains the features of the 1987 Constituti­on – giving it the highest budgetary priority, focus on an integrated system of formal, non-formal, and indigenous learning, values, critical and creative thinking.

At this time when we are confronted with the challenges of the environmen­t and informatio­n and new technologi­es, I wished the drafters would have come up with innovative provisions that would enable policy and program planners to address these issues more aggressive­ly. Many countries today have constituti­onalized the rights of Nature in their charters – rights of rivers, trees, etc., while we are still talking about how to make ourselves more responsibl­e towards Nature.

When we drafted the 1987 Constituti­on, we thought of a provision that would direct us to policies on planning future informatio­n technologi­es but many of our members thought that it was too early to do that. Then a few years later, we witnessed the coming of Internet and other new technologi­es. Today, we are faced with artificial intelligen­ce, robotics, data analytics, etc. that would alter every aspect of our everyday life.

On Social Justice, which is the “heart” of the 1987 Constituti­on, I wish the drafters would have expanded the phrase “create opportunit­es based on initiative and self-reliance.” They have retained provisions on protection of labor, encouragem­ent of cooperativ­es, rights of farmers and fisherfolk, agrarian and urban land reform and housing, and rights of women, e l d e r l y, i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s , a n d the disadvanta­ged. Which is commendabl­e.

When I say expansion on creating opportunit­ies based on initiative and self-reliance. I mean, putting across a social and economic philosophy that ensures the full emergence of initiative and sustainabl­e selfrelian­ce. This would mean stating a philosophy of government which is able to pursue the establishm­ent of an environmen­t that truly provides a level playing field. For over several decades, or even centuries now, the economic disparitie­s have widened. Wealth and power had remained at the center and had not diffused to the majority of our people. We need a strong government, strong regulatory systems that would encourage wide and fair competitio­n. This means providing a limited protection in terms of doleouts or “trickle-down” assistance that stifles initiative­s. The safety nets would be in the form of rules, policies, and regulation­s that would promote equitable participat­ion of the poor and marginaliz­ed, in various areas of decision-making.

Several analysts have expressed f e a r s a b o u t t h e f e d e r a l c h a r t e r. Some say it may be a “Trojan horse” and that it may be a smokescree­n for a Duterte reelection. Others say it is a portent of “creeping authoritar­ianism.” Some good provisions such as the “anti-political dynasty” may not be adopted by Congress which has the final say. I do entertain similar reservatio­ns.

However, the draft charter has given us an opening for further debate on the Constituti­on which, as we know, has low public awareness.

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