All we want is freedom

“Allah wants all of His children to develop the fullest – that is why they must be free.”

AT the turn of the century, then President Emilio Aguinaldo sent a letter to the Sultan of Sulu that the Philippine Republic has resolved to respect absolutely beliefs and traditions of its island in order to establish on solid basis the bonds of fraternal unity demanded by our mutual interest. A second letter was sent through a messenger, Baldomero Aguinaldo, a cousin, stating that “if in this war we secure our Independence and are successful in preventing the enemy from gaining foothold, the grateful country will always render a tribute of homage and gratitude to your memory” to join the great adventure, which was the first Philippine Republic. President Aguinaldo had to resort to this invitation, because, historically, the Muslims of the South were not part of the Treaty of Paris, and therefore, not bound by the agreement.

After the establishment of the revolutionary government, in June of 1898, it was expedient for the revolution to have all the inhabitants of the Philippines, including the Muslims of Sulu and Mindanao, unite in arms against the Spaniards. However, not a few revolutionary leaders sincerely viewed the Muslims as partners in a common struggle for liberty and better life. They even reflected that the so-called “Moro” wars were waged for Spanish imperialistic and colonial purposes. And, to effect these aims the Spaniards had used the Christianized Filipinos as tools to fight the Muslims. A circular prepared by a member of the Hong Kong Junta in May 18, 1898, possibly for Aguinaldo’s signature, asserted that in the wars of Spain in Southeast Asia “the blood of Filipinos has been sacrificed” and that Spain “every year… takes away our sons to sacrifice them in Mindanao and Jolo, making us believe that the people there are our enemies, when in truth, they are our brothers who, like us, are fighting for independence.

Emilio Aguinaldo’s message to congress on January 1, 1899, proposed that the government “be empowered to negotiate with the Moros of Jolo and Mindanao for purposes of establishing national solidarity upon the basis of a real federation with absolute respect for their beliefs and traditions.”

On January 19, 1899, a few days before the inauguration of the Philippine Republic, Aguinaldo wrote a friendly letter to the Sultan of Sulu, calling him “a great and powerful brother.” The message stated that the Filipinos after having thrown off the yoke of foreign domination “cannot forget their brothers of Jolo, to whom they are bound by the ties of race, interests, security and descent… the Philippine Republic has resolved to respect absolutely the beliefs and traditions of each island in order to establish on solid bases the bond of fraternal unity demanded by our mutual interest.”

The letter ended with an expression of Aguinaldo’s esteem and cordiality for “the powerful Sultan of Jolo” – clearly, this letter echoed the spirit of Aguinaldo’s message to Congress a few weeks earlier.

By the early seventies or two decades later, Nur Misuari put a theoretical framework to the movement addressing injustice. This followed after the earlier initiative of the Cotabato strongman, Governor Udtog Matalam who, resenting the lack of attention given the Muslims, enlarged the constituency of its movement, the Mindanao Independence Movement, to encompass not only the Muslim areas, but the whole of Mindanao. This, in turn, was followed through by a Christian leader, Mayor Reuben Canoy of Cagayan de Oro City. However, though, both were short-lived.

The red-letter day for Muslims, March 18, was adopted by the Moro National Liberation Front (in memory of the Massacre of Muslim youths from Sulu who were conscripted into the army as trainees, purportedly to recover Sabah, a property of the Sultanate of Sulu) as a convenient event to move the MNLF beyond a mere organization. Since 1974 great battles have been fought between the AFP and the MNLF. Only after more than two decades, in 1996, did the MNLF sign the “final peace agreement” in Jakarta and Manila, and jointly implemented it with the government, at least, initially, by the creation of the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development ( SPCPD). Then MNLF Head Nur Misuari was appointed Chairman of SPCPD. Later, he was elected ARMM Governor.

Initiatives by National Political Administration to quell the Muslim rebellion effectively commenced with the signing of the Tripoli Agreement in 1976 under the auspices of the Organization of Islamic Conference on the initiative of President Ferdinand Marcos through the effective diplomatic expertise of the First Lady, Imelda Marcos. As I recall the two Regional Commissions 9 and 12 which were established apparently were more powerful in scope than the present ARMM. The only commendable and obvious fulfillment of some of the provisions of the Tripoli Agree- ment were the establishment of the Amanah Bank, Office of Muslim Affairs, and the Southern Philippines Development Authority. But in confidence, Nur Misuari revealed to me that the hesitancy of the MNLF in jointly implementing the Tripoli Agreement, was the uncertainty of the government’s determination to pursue with the Agreement.

President Corazon Aquino, during her watch, followed the footsteps of the Marcos’ initiative by negotiating once again with the MNLF after establishing its revolutionary government. The negotiation culminated in the Jeddah Accord. The MNLF, at first, rejected the 1987 Constitutional Provision of Autonomy and its implementation – the ARMM of 4 provinces. Whatever concessions, political or otherwise, that the Aquino Administration accorded the Muslim people were largely upon the initiative and recommendation of the late then Vice President and Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Salvador P. Laurel and Senator Aquilino Pimentel, Jr.

Only under President Fidel Ramos’ term did the MNLF participate in the implementation of the peace agreement. Even before the ink got dry, so to speak, the negotiations with the MNLF was started without awaiting the final and full implementation of provisions of the peace agreement, which did not necessitate legislation. By executive fiat or action, it could have implemented the phase of the agreement calling for appointments of Muslims to the Supreme Court, the Cabinet, Sectoral Representative in Congress, among others. Also as promised, though not included in the written agreement, was the crafting of a Mini-Marshall Plan for Mindanao. All the aforementioned were never realized.

President Estrada, only best-remembered as opening once again the armed conflict in Mindanao by bombing Camp Abubakar of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, initially implemented some provisions of the peace agreement, particularly those relative to appointments. However, he later took the Ramos’ path of non-implementation of many of the more salient provisions of the peace agreement.

Under President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, the Joint Monitoring Committee collapsed, which was the umbrella instrument to oversee the implementation of the 1996 September 2 Peace Agreement of Ramos. The regime merely expanded the coverage of ARMM to 5 provinces, to include Basilan. The MNLF was divided with the Council of 15 break-away group staging a coup headed by Farouk Hussin, known to be a Malacañang official then. In truth and in fact, Autonomy has failed and is deemed by many as history, in so far as the Muslims’ experience, implementation-wise.

Two fronts now await resolution in the Bangsamoro home- land. First, the MNLF with stalled OIC Tripartite negotiations and piecemeal implementation of the Peace Agreement. Second, the MILF, on the other hand, has resumed peace talks over the critical issues of the Muslim ancestral land, which was unfortunately rejected by the Supreme Court during the Arroyo Administration.

With the revival of Federalism in the Senate spearheaded by then Senate Minority Floor Leader, Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. and which was jointly advocated by then House Speaker Prospero Nograles, there was renewed hope for the adoption of a Federal System of government. Though high-profiled by then Speaker Jose de Venecia, under Ramos, and then Arroyo – public suspicion had been that it was for purposes of political expediency – to extend the term of incumbent Presidents. Up to today the unsettling thinking remains the same.

While Federalism was peddled particularly to Mindanao, specifically for Muslim consumption, it was merely tail-ended with the Parliamentary form of govern- ment, which was the main focus of Luzon political leaders. This could have been the system of government that could finally bring to the fold the Muslims of the Philippines, as contemplated by President Emilio Aguinaldo, as was appropriate for Muslims’ inclusion in the re-formation of a new Republic. But the timing then under Ramos and Arroyo, cannot escape suspicion that it was purely for political ends that this was being espoused and undertaken. Besides, the 1987 Constitution had to be amended and a plebiscite to ensue in order to push through with this initiative. Time is of the essence.

Ironically, and inscrutably, the present Administration, who claimed to have received the mandate of People Power Revolution, has yet to initiate the process of ensuring the democratic participation of the Muslim People in their choice of leadership through the ARMM. On the contrary, President Aquino has denigrated the hope of their future.

Following are the specific events that took place after Malacañang has certified the cancellation of ARMM Election as an urgent Administration Bill: Railroading in the House of Representatives through the Committee on Suffrage, the Joint Com- mittee Chairman on Muslim Affairs was denied by his colleagues to consult with his constituents before voting on the measure; Senate-sponsored bill to cancel ARMM Election approved in plenary by a vote of 13-7, contrary to Senate Committee on Local Government recommendation of holding the election, chaired by Senator Ferdinand Marcos, Jr., upholding the sentiments and aspirations of ARMM constituents as reflected in the Senate hearings; ARMM bill re-cancellation awaiting the signing of President Benigno Aquino, III.

Independence may be our final option. But I personally would hesitate to see this through.

The sad state of the Muslims in the Philippines cannot be allowed to continue, as it is, where their hope for justice is increasingly becoming more and more frustrating. As members of the Republic, we Muslims are equally entitled to justice, and our Christian brethren are obligated to see to it that justice is not denied.

I have painstakingly compiled my thoughts and wishes for a selfgoverning Muslim Mindanao. We must see this through. We want freedom and would get as much as we can and deserve, but without the loss of dignity and peace, Insha Allah.