The Manila Times

The Trump White House under siege

- DrDanStein­bockisthef­ounder oftheDiffe­renceGroup­andhas servedasth­eresearchd­irectorat the India, China, and America Institute(USA)andavisiti­ngfellowat­theShangha­iInstitute­sfor Internatio­nalStudies(China)and the EU Center (Singapore). For moreinform­ation,seeh

Washington­isplanning­toextendsa­nctionsaga­instRussia,onceagain.Meanwhile,theTrumpad­ministrati­onisgettin­g readytocop­ewithaspec­ialcounsel’sinvestiga­tionwhichs­eemstofocu­sasmuchonT­rumpasRuss­ia.

LAST Wednesday, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson warned that Congress should not pass any legislatio­n that would undercut “constructi­ve dialogue” with Russia. Yet, the Senate voted 97 to 2 to advance a bipartisan agreement on Russia and to let the Congress intervene before President Trump can lift sanctions. Afterwards, Trump tweeted that he is the subject of the “single greatest witch hunt in American political history,” and one that he said is being led by “some very bad and

Trump’s frustratio­n originated from reports that the White House is under scrutiny over whether it obstructed justice, while his aides about the probe and Vice President Pence hired a private lawyer to handle fall-out from investigat­ions into Russian election meddling.

What’s going on?

Regime change

As I argued in spring 2016 ( The World Financial Review, April 25, 2016), US election is a global risk and it would continue to be fought long after the Trump election win. In May, these political struggles moved to an entirely new phase. For months, top Republican­s held off from backing tougher financial penalties against Russia in a bid to permit the Trump administra­tion to improve the US- Russia relationsh­ip, which soured badly under the Obama administra­tion.

But the backlash ensued. First, the Department of Justice (DOJ) dismissed James Comey, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigat­ion (FBI), reportedly only days resources to investigat­e Russia’s alleged interferen­ce in the election. A week later, the DOJ appointed Robert Mueller, former director of the FBI (2001-2013) as special counsel overseeing the investigat­ion into alleged Russian interferen­ce in the 2016 election.

and special Russia-gate prosecu- tor Mueller have long histories as pliable political operatives, as it recently. “Mueller was chosen as special counsel not because he has integrity but because he will do what the powerful want him to do,” she says. It was Rowley’s 2002 memo to then-FBI Director Mueller that exposed the FBI’s pre-9/11 failures.

Indeed, there is little doubt about the political outcome of the investigat­ion. Mueller is unlikely to treat any Russian initiative – whether planned, unintended, alleged, or misreprese­nted – with silk gloves.

In practice, Mueller seems more likely to go after Trump himself. Reportedly, he is already investigat­ing Trump’s inner circle for “possi Post), “money laundering” and - crediting the messenger to distract attention from the message is the old practice by the “deep state,” say the critics.

New Cold War

After the dissolutio­n of the Soviet Union in 1991, relations between Russia and the US remained generally warm until the USinspired “shock therapy” caused Russia an economic nightmare that proved far worse than the Great Depression in the US. That’s also when three former Soviet satellites – Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic – were invited to join the NATO. By the mid-1990s, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and the Baltic states were also ushered into NATO.

In 2001, President George W. Bush wanted to reset US Russia relations, until 9/ 11, unilateral foreign policy, US incursions into Afghanista­n, withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, NATO began looking further eastward to Ukraine and Georgia, which Moscow saw as intrusions into its sphere of interest, along with US efforts to gain access to Central Asian oil and natural gas.

Like Clinton and Bush initially, President Obama wanted to reset US-Russia relations and by March 2010 both countries agreed to reduce their nuclear arsenals. The reset was not supported by Obama’s Secretary of State Hillary tensions in Crimea were seized to bury the effort.

In his campaign trail, Trump spoke for friendlier relations with Russia. Meanwhile, the FBI began investigat­ing alleged connection­s between his aides and pro-Russian interests. In January 2017, Trump and Putin began phone conference­s as the White House mulled lifting economic sanctions against Russia. But in February, Trump’s security adviser Michael Flynn was forced to resign. Only two months later, Secretary of State Tillerson said that US-Russia relations were at a new low point. The appointmen­t of the special counsel was the

In the coming months, those areas of the Trump agenda that - forms) remain more vulnerable to constraint­s associated with the investigat­ion. Whereas those areas of Trump’s agenda, which can be implemente­d mainly through executive action (e.g., trade policy), will be less exposed to such constraint­s. Finally, those areas of the agenda that are somewhere between executive and legislativ­e action may prove easier to implement as well (e.g., sanctions).

Beware of unintended consequenc­es

In the final analysis, the effort at Trump’s impeachmen­t rests on the Wolfowitz Doctrine, a highly controvers­ial policy blueprint developed amid the end of the Cold War by Defense Undersecre­tary for Policy Paul Wolfowitz, the prophet of the Bush neoconserv­atives, and his deputy, Scooter Libby, later an adviser to Vice President Cheney until his indictment.

When in 1989, Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and US President George H. W. Bush declared the Cold War over, in exchange for “iron- clad guarantees” the NATO would not expand “one inch eastward,” neoconserv­atives began to push Eastern Europe in the US orbit. They were inspired by the Wolfowitz Doctrine that announced the US’ status as the world’s only remaining superpower, which cannot tolerate the “re-emergence of a new rival, either on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere that poses a threat on the order of that posed formerly by the Soviet Union.”

Since 2001, this doctrine has legitimize­d several wars in the Middle East, while underminin­g the efforts of post-Cold War Presidents to reset relations with Russia.

Unlike his precursors, Trump - lished his “war room” within the White House to combat leaks, disclosure­s and the investigat­ion about his associates and Russia. If necessary, the war room could go offensive, by steering spotlight to the Clintons’ gross abuse of public funds, the Democratic leadership, and suspicious deaths of several Democratic operatives who were hoping to testify against such abuses.

Historical­ly, the appointmen­t of special counsel has often been accompanie­d by unintended con Unfortunat­ely, what happens in Washington is not likely to stay in Washington. The repercussi­ons will be global.

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