The Manila Times

Wanted: Legit party-list

- Https://www.philstar. com/headlines/2018/10/18/1861026/ comelec-sees-long-ballot-185-partylistA­tong Paglaum, Inc. v. Commission on Elections allinsight.manilatime­s@gmail.com www.facebook.com/All.Insight.Manila.Times

The work of sorting out and delisting these groups will be done by Comelec and hopefully be completed by the middle of December. How should the commission delineate the legitimate ones from the “pseudo party-list” groups?

Well, the Comelec can start with the requiremen­ts laid down by the PartyList System Act, or RA 7941.

Guanzon lament

Commission­er Rowena Guanzon told reporters that the ballot for the 2019 polls may be very long because of the sheer number of party-list organizati­ons.

Guanzon also said that some politician­s are using the party- list system to be able to run for elective posts after their terms have expired or other members of their political clan are also running. Guanzon also wants relatives of incumbent officials or those running for elective positions to be disqualifi­ed from participat­ing in the partylist elections (

This is a very good observatio­n and I cannot disagree with her.

However, I totally disagree with Commission­er Guanzon when she claimed that the Comelec cannot do anything about it. What insanity is this? The ommission, just like any regulatory body, can restrict and delist these bogus party- list organizati­ons.

Requiremen­ts under RA 7941

Under the Party- List System Act, a group seeking accreditat­ion as a party- list should not be a religious sect or denominati­on, organizati­on or associatio­n organized for religious purposes. With this criterion alone, several party- list organizati­ons can be readily delisted.

Another requiremen­t is that the group shall not advocate violence or unlawful means to achieve its goals and objectives. Wow, there are several groups that advocate violence to achieve their ends. So, why can’t these

indirectly through third parties.

If the Comelec had just followed this Act to the letter, then bogus party- list groups could have not made the cut. Then again, the Supreme Court reinterpre­ted this law. In the case of

( G. R. Nos. 203766 et. al.), which was promulgate­d on April 2, 2013, the Supreme Court adopted new parameters in the qualificat­ions of national, regional, and sectoral parties under the partylist system. This effectivel­y abandoned the rulings in the decisions applied by the Comelec in disqualify­ing the petitioner­s in this jurisprude­nce.

The case is actually a consolidat­ion of 54 petitions filed by 52 party- list groups that were disqualifi­ed by the Comelec to participat­e in the May 13, 2013 elections. Most of the denials were based on these three grounds: 1) the sector sought to be represente­d by the group or organizati­on is not considered marginaliz­ed and under- represente­d; 2) failure to prove their track record; and 3) nominees do not belong to the marginaliz­ed and under-represente­d.

In deciding the consolidat­ed petitions, the Supreme Court revisited the deliberati­ons of the framers of the 1987 Constituti­on and concluded that the “framers of the 1987 Constituti­on expressly rejected the proposal to make the party- list system exclusivel­y for sectoral parties only, and that they clearly intended the party- list system to include both sectoral and non- sectoral parties. The common denominato­r between sectoral and non- sectoral parties is that they cannot expect to win in legislativ­e district elections but they can garner, in nationwide elections, at least the same number of votes that winning candidates can garner in legislativ­e district elections. The party- list system will be the entry point to membership in the House of Representa­tives for both these non- traditiona­l parties that could not compete in legislativ­e district elections.” Does this mean that the present predicamen­t that we are in now was caused by the 1987 Constituti­on?

The court similarly interprete­d the Party-List System Act and set the following parameters for the Comelec to adhere to:

1. Three different groups may participat­e in the party- list system: national parties or organizati­ons; regional parties or organizati­ons; and sectoral parties or organizati­ons.

2. National parties or organizati­ons and regional parties or organizati­ons do not need to organize along sectoral lines and do not need to represent any “marginaliz­ed and under-represente­d” sector.

3. Political parties can participat­e in party- list elections provided they register under the party- list system and do not field candidates in legislativ­e district elections.

4. Sectoral parties or organizati­ons may either be “marginaliz­ed and under- represente­d” or lacking in “welldefine­d political constituen­cies.” It is enough that their principal advocacy pertains to the special interest and concerns of their sector.

What about the traditiona­l politician­s who are nominees of these sectoral groups? A party-list nominee must be a

- nization which he or she seeks to represent. In the case of sectoral parties, to be

either belong to the sector represente­d, or have a track record of advocacy for such sector. This is where the problem lies. Anyone can simply say that they are “advocates” for such sector to be quali-

them to show and prove their “track record.” Is the Comelec doing this? Or is this selectivel­y implemente­d?

The raiding of the party- list system by traditiona­l politician­s defeated the very purpose of this kind of representa­tion — courtesy of the above ruling of the Supreme Court.

In the end it’s up to the people to vote for the right party-list. It’s also up to the Comelec whether to count these votes or not.

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