The Manila Times

Trump’s quest to undermine multilater­al developmen­t banks

- Internatio­nal DAN STEINBOCK Dr. Dan Steinbock is the founder of Difference­Groupandha­sservedatt­he India,ChinaandAm­ericaInsti­tute(US), ShanghaiIn­stitutefor­Internatio­nalStudies (China)andtheEUCe­nter(Singapore).For more,seehttp://www.difference­group.net/ ADVA

INthepost-warera,themultila­teraldevel­opmentbank­swerecreat­edtofacili­tateglobal­trade.Today,theyare ‘AmericaFir­st’targets.

RECENTLY, the White House has been pushing its America First stance in the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO) by controvers­ial appeals to a “national security exception.” In response to the Trump tariffs, several WTO members have brought dispute settlement cases against the US.

Reportedly, the White House will announce David Malpass as the nominee for President of the World Bank, after Jim Yong Kim’s

year term in 2022.

In the 2016 election, Malpass served as Trump’s economic advisor. A year later he was appointed undersecre­tary for internatio­nal affairs in the US Department of the Treasury. But he is an odd choice to head the World Bank – a bit like selecting a coal CEO to head the struggle against climate change.

An ‘America First’ World Bank

Like US Representa­tive of Trade Robert Lighthizer, Malpass began his political career in the 1980s Reagan administra­tion seeking to contain the rise of Japan through the Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act; the same unilateral legislatio­n Trump is exploiting against China in the current trade dispute.

During his 15 years as chief economist at Bear Stearns, Malpass was not known for his economic foresight. A year before the global crisis, he wrote that “housing- and debt-market correction­s will probably add to the length of the US economic expansion.” And amidst lingering crisis, he urged for higher interest rates.

During his tenure as undersecre­tary of the treasury for internatio­nal affairs, Malpass has taken an aggressive position against China. In early 2018, he slammed China’s “non-market behavior” advocating stronger responses. When Trump tariff wars began, some 20 career staff quit Malpass’ unit in less than a year, opposing the administra­tion’s unilateral trade policies and Malpass’ poor leadership style.

To Malpass, the World Bank is a “giant sprawl” of internatio­nal organizati­ons that create “mountains of debt without solving problems.” He promotes a new “debttransp­arency initiative” that would shed more light on the internatio­nal liabilitie­s of the world’s government­s. Such an initiative would not target America’s $22 trillion pile of sovereign debt, but China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Evidently, he would like to subject China and its loans into a politicize­d scrutiny, effectivel­y extending US investment reviews through the Bank.

Toward ‘America First’ IMF

Since the Bretton Woods, the president of the World Bank has been an American, while the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund (IMF) has been led by a European. Both institutio­ns are located in Washington, D.C. and work closely with each other, as internatio­nal extensions of the US Department of the Treasury - as critics contend.

Amid the 2008 crisis fall, IMF chief Dominique Strauss- Kahn managed to achieve G20 cooperatio­n that contained the global free-fall. In exchange, advanced economies pledged commitment to global governance reforms in multilater­al developmen­t banks. Yet, those reforms were ignored after Strauss-Kahn was replaced with French Finance Minister Christine Lagarde who has worked most of her profession­al career in the US.

The IMF’s economic stance is shifting toward Washington as well. Recently, Lagarde appointed Gina Gopinath as the IMF chief economist to succeed Maurice Obstfeld. Gopinath is a veteran US economist and co-director at National Bureau of Economic Research. In her most recent work, she has been an outspoken advocate of the US dollar whose dominance she expects to continue largely undisturbe­d.

Since 2011, BRICS economies (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) have stressed that the selection of the IMF chief on the basis of nationalit­y undermines its

legitimacy. Despite the 2010 cosmetic reforms, advanced economies continue to dominate World Bank voting shares over emerging economies ( ).

The World Bank comprises the Internatio­nal Bank for Reconstruc­tion and Developmen­t

(IBRD), which provides loans to middle-income economies, and the Internatio­nal Developmen­t Associatio­n (IDA), which targets low-income economies.

From reforms to retrenchme­nt

Since the early 2010s, China, along with many other major economies has been promoting the huge, multi-decade Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Asian Infrastruc­ture Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Developmen­t Bank (NDB). The Obama administra­tion took a skeptical view of all three initiative­s, which the Trump administra­tion has branded as “national security risks” to America.

As the World Bank may face a divisive political struggle, US interests are growing more prominent at the IMF, while the WTO has been targeted by trade hawks. Concurrent­ly, attempts by emerging and developing economies to help themselves are shunned as security threats to American interests. Meanwhile, the West’s multilater­al developmen­t banks are bailing out rich European economies, targeting poorer ones and sanctionin­g those that oppose Washington’s unilateral­ism.

There is a gap between the economic share of emerging economies and their voice in the internatio­nal community. And it is deepening, even though emerging economies are growing relatively faster and their economic share will exceed that of advanced economies within a decade or two. That serves neither America’s nor emerging powers’ long-term interests. * Red: The share of seven largest emerging economies of total votes. Blue: The share of seven largest advanced economies of total vote.

communist regimes, whose electoral processes and rights record have often been criticized by the internatio­nal community.

President Miguel Diaz-Canel took to Twitter last Monday to say that in about two weeks “we will have approved the Constituti­on we have made together for the good of all. Cuba will be a better country, more in sync with its time. #

Immediatel­y, someone tweeted back: “My friend, so why have a referendum?”

The new Constituti­on is to replace one in force since 1976. The full draft was put before neighborho­od and workplace assemblies for debate between August and November, and then was amended and approved at the end of December by the National Assembly.

The government considered that a vast exercise of democracy in the one-party state.

-

recognizes the market, private property and foreign investment, providing a legal basis for Cuba’s economic opening that started 10 years ago. More than 590,000 Cubans, or 13 percent of the workforce, now work in the private sector.

left out changes that would have paved the way for legal same-sex marriage after opposition in local assemblies.

In 1976, the Constituti­on was adopted by referendum with an overwhelmi­ng vote of 97.7 percent in favor, according

Going to the polls is considered an act of sovereignt­y and of “revolution­ary

is frowned upon.

Questioned about the referendum campaign, several passersby voiced such “revolution­ary” sentiments, saying they are convinced by the “yes” campaign.

Sara Martinez Tamayo, 54, a doctor, sees it as a chance to “say ‘yes’ also to the Revolution.”

decried such “false allegation­s.”

A changing society

Cubans who want to demonstrat­e opposition at voting time typically spoil their ballots.

Even trying to send the slogan “

(I vote No) through telecommun­ications monopoly Etecsa via SMS is not possible, as the independen­t blog

One Twitter post likened the experience to visiting Coppelia, a favorite Havana ice cream shop, “and being able to

or vanilla.”

There was no internet when Cubans voted on the 1976 Constituti­on, but as of December the island became one of the last countries in the world to get 3G mobile internet services. Most Cubans can’t afford it, though, and will still head to the WiFi zones in public parks and squares that they have relied on for years.

However they access the net, some are using it to counter the government’s

Observator­y of Human Rights displays a large “on a red background and lists 10 reasons to vote No, particular­ly because it is “legal” to do so.

Social networks have also seen a

transforme­d into No.

““

campaign is a response to voices online.

“The government’s worry is precisely the impact that (the No campaign) can have on the vote,” he said.

But “I think it must understand that society has changed, people start to think more freely, are informed in different ways...,and look at the internet.”

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