The Manila Times

On scrapping the PH-US Visiting Forces Agreement

- JAIME J. YAMBAO Ambassador­JaimeYamba­oisa former executive director of the Presidenti­alCommissi­ononthe VisitingFo­rcesAgreem­ent.

PRESIDENT Rodrigo Duterte’s threat to scrap the Philippine­sUnited States Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) unless the US restores the canceled visa of former national police chief and now senator, Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, has once more focused public attention on the clutch of defense agreements we have with the US. While the President’s action referred to the VFA only, the VFA is inextricab­ly linked to the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) and the Enhancemen­t of Defense Cooperatio­n Agreement because it concerns the sending by the US of warm (military) bodies to the Philippine­s, which these other agreements call for.

Actually, the VFA was required by both the Philippine Constituti­on and US policy regarding its military presence abroad. Article XIII, Section 25 of the Philippine Constituti­on provides that foreign military bases, troops or facilities may only be allowed under a treaty duly concurred in by the Senate. Military troops of countries not covered by such a treaty are not allowed in the country. The US, which conducts the same exercises in two or more countries, would at times for reasons of economy think of bringing together several countries for exercises in the Philippine­s, but is stopped from doing so by this provision. It can invite participan­ts only from countries that also have a VFA with the Philippine­s. To date, Australia is the only other country the Philippine­s has a VFA with and it has actively participat­ed in military exercises held by the United States in the Philippine­s. A VFA with Japan has been contemplat­ed following the wish of the US to share its responsibi­lities in the Pacific with Japan, thus finding an excuse for the latter to rearm but this has so far not come to fruition.

On the other hand the VFA is a condition required by the US of countries hosting US military troops on a nonpermane­nt basing arrangemen­t. It is similar in content with the bases agreement we had with the US when it had bases in the country. It extends such privileges to US military troops and their attached civilian components as visa-free entry, tax exemptions, exemption from the registrati­on of vehicles, exemption from payment of port fees and special treatment on custody and detention if accused of committing criminal offenses in the Philippine­s. As with the bases agreement, the provisions on the treatment of accused criminal offenders in the VFA have given rise to controvers­y.

A reader has observed that the Philippine­s is allowing the US to use Philippine airport and port facilities in ferrying troops fighting US wars of aggression in the Middle East and has questioned its being in accord with the country’s pursuit of an independen­t foreign policy. The VFA extends port facilities to all vessels whether or not they are involved in the Philippine­s-US joint military exercises.

The US has gone to all lengths to prevent the prosecutio­n of its troops for any offenses on foreign soil. It has not only thus refused to sign and ratify the Rome Statute that establishe­d the Internatio­nal Criminal Court ( ICC), but has also threatened countries ratifying the statute with sanctions, e.g. cutting off economic and military assistance. Ratifying countries are saved from US sanctions by enacting legislatio­n granting US troops special arrangemen­ts such as provided by the VFA. (The Philippine­s has withdrawn from the ICC on orders of President Duterte.)

With the scrapping of the VFA and the withdrawal of the privileges extended by the VFA to US troops, it is doubtful whether the US would conduct joint military exercises in the Philippine­s, including exercises that in recent years have been focused on combating terrorism. It also puts into question whether the US will come to help the Philippine­s in case it is attacked by an external power as provided for by the Philippine­s-US MDT.

To date, the anti-US rhetoric of President Duterte has been little more than just that, rhetoric. His so-called pivot to China is more hype than reality. His efforts to bring the Philippine­s closer to China have been little more than those of the previous administra­tions before President Benigno Aquino 3rd’s, whose efforts in this direction were thwarted by China’s taking over Scarboroug­h Shoal and aggressive reclamatio­n activities in the South China Sea and the Philippine­s’ consequent filing of an arbitratio­n case against Beijing. Until Senator Bato’s canceled visa incident, the US and the Philippine­s have been reported to be planning among the biggest joint military exercises ever for 2020.

The scrapping of the VFA does not appear to be the call of the hour in the face of indication­s that China remains bent on owning the whole South China Sea. China maintains its position that their reclamatio­ns are actions made “in their own house.” The wiser move than junking the agreement is to attend to Filipinos’ disappoint­ments and complaints about the Philippine­s- US defense treaties and make the Philippine­s- US partnershi­p a more vigilant and effective one by reviewing/revising/reinforcin­g them.

The MDT of 1951 needs updating to take into fuller account the current and changing situation in the South China Sea and the entitlemen­ts of the Philippine­s under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The agreement must be more proactive in maintainin­g peace and security in the region rather than merely respond to an armed attack. The MDT should have an effective institutio­nal mechanism for assessing the security situation in the region and planning programs of action and strategies. The MDT should be more effective in assisting the partners in enhancing and modernizin­g their defense capabiliti­es.

As for the VFA itself, the provisions of the agreement on criminal jurisdicti­on must be reviewed in order that due process and justice prevails in cases involving service personnel committing crimes in the Philippine­s. There is also a need to review provisions extending privileges that are reciprocal on paper but one- sided in practice, such as the exemption from port fees that are one- sided because Philippine military ships seldom visit US ports.

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