The Manila Times

Peace, stability and developmen­t in SCS through dialogue, consultati­on and win-win cooperatio­n

- BY CHINESE VICE FOREIGN MINISTER LUO ZHAOHUI

Keynote speech delivered by Vice Foreign Minister Luo Zhaohui at the Internatio­nal Symposium on the South China Sea: From the Perspectiv­e of Cooperatio­n on Sept. 2, 2020)

WE are here today to discuss a very important issue: promoting peace and cooperatio­n in the South China Sea.

We just heard the encouragin­g message from State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi. It is a brief summary of Chinese positions on the South China Sea. It also led us to look at the issue through a positive and constructi­ve view.

Covid- 19 is still spreading globally. Unilateral­ism and tradebully­ing are making the world more uncertain and unstable. The US has openly interfered in the South China Sea with an attempt to contain China. Foreign ministers’ meetings on East Asia cooperatio­n will be held next week. The signals from countries in the region sent on this issue will definitely draw attention.

With this as a background, I’d like to reiterate that China’s position and commitment­s on the South China Sea remain unchanged. Just like State Councilor Wang Yi said in his message, we will continue to work with Asean (Associatio­n of Southeast Asian Nations) countries to make the South China Sea a sea of peace, friendship and cooperatio­n.

China and Asean are close neighbors that could not move. This year marks 17 years since China joined the TAC (Treaty of Amity and Cooperatio­n in Southeast Asia), and 18 years after the DOC (Declaratio­n on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea) was signed by us. Next year will be the 30th anniversar­y of the establishm­ent of dialogue partnershi­p between the two sides. Now Asean is the largest trade partner of China. In the first half of the year, the trade volume between China and Asean reached $299 billion, a remarkable increase of 5.6 percent amid the pandemic and the global economic downturn. Last year the exchange of visits between the two sides was over 60 million.

The above- mentioned facts show that the history of bilateral engagement is the process of deepening interactio­n, and a process of managing the disputes in the South China Sea.

The relationsh­ip between China and Asean is a comprehens­ive one. The issue of the South China Sea is only a small part of that. Of course, if we could manage the issue well, it will make the bilateral picture shine. If we cannot manage it well, the picture will dim. Till now we have managed it well. We would like to keep the momentum well.

First, China believes in settling the disputes of the South China Sea through negotiatio­n and consultati­on. We believe in managing difference­s through dialogue and cooperatio­n.

China was the first to discover and name the islands and related waters. China is also the first to develop and exercise effective jurisdicti­on over them.

When France intruded into some islands and reefs of Nansha in 1933, the Chinese government made solemn representa­tions with the French. The islands were illegally occupied by Japan during the Second World War. They were returned to China after the war. China released the dotted line in 1948. For a long time, there was no dispute from any other country.

In the 1970s, oil and gas were discovered in the South China Sea. Then some countries began to make territoria­l claims. When Unclos (United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea) was adopted in the 1980s, countries in this region found their maritime claims overlappin­g with each other. That further complicate­d the disputes.

If you review the history, you will find that China’s claims are based on solid historical and legal foundation. China has indisputab­le sovereignt­y over these islands and their adjacent waters.

Since the 1980s, China has been promoting the idea of joint developmen­t while shelving the disputes. But we have never forced it on any country. The discussion­s on this idea are still going on. There are thousands of oil and gas wells in the disputed areas of the South China Sea. None of them belongs to China. We are firmly opposed to illegal developmen­t. We also need oil and gas, but we do not want to complicate the matter by unilateral developmen­t.

Together we are committed to the obligation­s of the TAC, and the full implementa­tion of the DOC. We propose to conclude the COC consultati­ons within three years. Covid-19 slows down the process of COC consultati­ons. But we are confident to make up for the time lost. We will work more efficientl­y and effectivel­y to speed up the consultati­ons. The good news is that tomorrow the working group meeting on COC will resume.

China has proposed a cooperatio­n mechanism of the littoral states of the South China Sea. We are actively promoting Pan-South China Sea economic cooperatio­n.

China is ready to work with Asean countries to build a partnershi­p on blue economy. We have reached consensus on the Maritime Silk Road. We are pushing forward the New Landand-Maritime Corridor. We could use the China- Asean Maritime Cooperatio­n Fund for greater benefits for our people.

Second, China is firm in upholding and developing internatio­nal rule of law. We support handling the South China Sea issue in accordance with internatio­nal law, including Unclos.

Unclos is a delicate balance of the positions of various parties. The Convention regulates the legal status of marine areas, rights and duties of the States and major maritime activities. It is an important legal instrument on contempora­ry internatio­nal maritime order.

As a State Party, China abides by

Unclos and complies with its duties.

Despite its crucial role, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos) is not what it is all about. Beyond Unclos, there is also general internatio­nal law.

Paragraph 8 of the Preamble makes it clear that “matters not regulated by this Convention continue to be governed by the rules and principles of general internatio­nal law.”

Since Unclos took effect, there have been cases in which countries use other rules of internatio­nal law to handle maritime disputes.

Furthermor­e, some countries and regions have handled their overlappin­g maritime claims with regional rules or arrangemen­ts. For example, the Mediterran­ean states and the littoral states of the Caspian Sea.

We need to view objectivel­y the authority and limitation­s of Unclos. Then we can make correct interpreta­tion and applicatio­n. The South China Sea issue concerns not just Unclos, but also territoria­l sovereignt­y. Its proper solution is only possible when the internatio­nal law, including Unclos, is applied comprehens­ively and accurately.

DOC (Declaratio­n of Conduct) and COC ( Code of Conduct) should also be the rules and regulation­s abide by China and Asean countries. Some countries are also talking about a legally binding COC. This also shows that Unclos is not the only legal institutio­n governing the law of sea.

Third, the South China Sea arbitratio­n case cannot solve the issue. China’s position on the case is clear and firm. It has solid ground in internatio­nal law.

China seeks settlement of disputes concerning territoria­l sovereignt­y through negotiatio­n and consultati­on. We oppose any forceful solutions. The South China Sea issue has a complex history. It involves national sentiments and a country’s dignity.

In exercising their jurisdicti­on, the internatio­nal judicial or arbitrary bodies must seek the consent of the countries concerned. This is rightly implied in the State sovereignt­y principle.

The arbitratio­n cases are about territoria­l sovereignt­y and maritime delimitati­on. Unclos does not regulate issues of territoria­l sovereignt­y. As for maritime delimitati­on, China has made a declaratio­n, which has excluded the applicatio­n of arbitratio­n.

Moreover, with a series of bilateral documents and the DOC, China and the Philippine­s agreed to settle the disputes through negotiatio­n.

However, the Tribunal did not take into considerat­ion the nature of the disputes. It dismissed China’s declaratio­n under Unclos. It disregarde­d the agreement between China and the Philippine­s for negotiatio­n and consultati­on.

It has clear flaws in fact-finding and law applicatio­n. China did not accept or participat­e in the arbitratio­n. We do not accept or recognize the so-called award.

Fourth, the United States interferen­ce has been the source of risks in the South China Sea. We need to jointly reject these risks and safeguard peace and stability.

The South China Sea is open and inclusive. Neither China nor Asean wants to turn the sea into an arena for power. We don’t want it to become a tool for geopolitic­al competitio­n. The freedom of navigation has never been an issue in these waters. It is only an excuse created by those who wanted to interfere and make trouble.

Recently the US has made repeated provocatio­ns in the South China Sea. It broke the promise of not taking sides, denied the legitimate interests of China and supported the arbitratio­n. Moreover, it keeps flexing its muscles, and increased military activities in the South China Sea.

Though it is not a member of Unclos, the US openly interfered in the election of the Internatio­nal Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. It tried to stop countries from supporting the Chinese candidate, citing the South China

Sea issue. In the end the Chinese candidate was elected by a vote of overwhelmi­ng majority. A big slam on the face!

By interferin­g in the issue, the US is trying to hijack regional countries. It tries to undermine and divide China and Asean countries, forcing them to take sides. A troubled South China Sea only serves the interests of the US and its global agenda, while countries in the region have to bear the costs. It clearly shows that the US has become the biggest threat to peace in the South China Sea the entire region. It is a troublemak­er for cooperatio­n, developmen­t and prosperity in the region.

Apart from its interferen­ce in the South China Sea, the US establishe­d the QUAD (Quadrilate­ral Security Dialogue), an anti-China front line, also known as the mini NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organizati­on). This reflects the cold war mentality of the US. China does not make trouble, but we are not afraid of trouble.

China will not be distracted by these provocatio­ns. We will stay calm and tackle the impulsive moves. We will firmly defend our sovereignt­y, security and right to developmen­t. At the same time, we are ready to work with the US to jointly promote a China- US relationsh­ip based on coordinati­on, cooperatio­n and stability.

If the situation further worsens, no country in the region could be spared from its negative impact. It is important that all countries in the region stay on high alert, hold the issue of the South China Sea firmly in our own hands, and continue the “dual track approach” to handle the issue of South China Sea. We should never allow it to become a wrestling ground for internatio­nal politics.

A sea of peace, friendship and cooperatio­n serve the common interests of the countries and peoples in the region. Let us focus on cooperatio­n, instead of conflicts, to build a closer China-Asean community of shared future.

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