The Manila Times

Twin policy of deterrence and non-aggression

- BY NORBERTO B. GONZALES Curse or gift The author was secretary of national defense and national security adviser in the Arroyo administra­tion.

FOR decades after the Second World War, humanity committed to and pursued a world without war. Nations adopted the peaceful settlement of conflicts and of having mutual respect to unavoidabl­e difference­s in culture, politics and even faith. In geopolitic­s, this commitment to avoid the horrors of war and resolve conflicts bloodlessl­y is known as the “post-WW 2 global rules-based internatio­nal order.”

This era of world peace could end, or potentiall­y already has. The war in Ukraine has brought this shift, and not only because of the immense loss of life and destructio­n brought by a genocidal war of conquest. This represents the return of the idea that violent acts are an acceptable or even inevitable method for states to employ to resolve conflicts and pursue aspiration­s, further encouraged by the incredible accuracy and precise lethality of today’s battlefiel­d. Yet this enormous tragedy only foreshadow­s what could potentiall­y be the most destructiv­e conflict our shared planet has ever seen. The contentiou­s question of freedom of navigation and rules-based multilater­al order in the Pacific looms ominously. We are waistdeep in a Second Cold War. American fighter jets have fired missiles over American territoria­l waters.

The geographic­al location of the Philippine­s puts us right in the middle of this conflict. Our fishermen and maritime security forces have experience­d it firsthand. Fish have been stolen, lasers have been fired at Philippine Coast Guard vessels, and the rhetoric continues to escalate. There is no sign of an easing of tensions in the near future.

Depending on your perspectiv­e, this situation could either be a curse or a gift of providence. We as a nation, contingent on how our leaders steer us into the future, could today either allow the expansion of conflict into a full-blown world war or end it from where it is already raging today. This brings us to the integrated policies of deterrence and non-aggression.

This strategy is the only option for a nation committed to a peace which respects our rights. It is a deliberate effort, clear-eyed, to adhere to the principles of nonviolenc­e as the dominant preconditi­on to achieving progress. As the principal objective, we must avoid war. Deterrence is the only tool left for us by the surroundin­g superpower­s and our geopolitic­al situation.

The success of deterrence allows the nation to pursue the policy of non-aggression. Non-aggression means no foreign invasion and the paramount commitment to peaceful settlement of external conflict.

For us to be allowed this privilege, we need a credible deterrence capability. This may appear difficult, but it is absolutely feasible. The elements for it are in us, and whatever is lacking is there for the asking due to our circumstan­ces and abundance of willing partners.

The essential first step is to manifest in no uncertain terms love of country. We need to actualize the borne determinat­ion of our people to defend with their lives the fundamenta­l interests of our nation and their individual rights to self-determinat­ion. The citizen army concept as mandated by the Constituti­on should have its enabling laws. The armed forces should prepare the reserve force command as a major unit capable of integratin­g the citizenry in times of crisis. More than that, forming ourselves into a credible obstacle to foreign hegemony will require a whole-of-society effort, including civil society and the private sector.

We need to structure a modest but lethal defense capability. This is not possible unless we choose and align ourselves to a particular side. Defense procuremen­t is an intimate interstate process. We already have a Mutual Defense Treaty with the United States. What we need to achieve as a matter of national interest is to make clear to the Americans our understand­ing of the underlying principle behind the treaty. We have a shared responsibi­lity as a matter of mutual interest to keep our part of the world safe and free.

Sharing of responsibi­lity means to us not only opening our bases for mutual use, but also about requiremen­ts to enhance the deterrence quality of our Armed Forces. The Americans will gladly share critical know-how and military assets with us, and in this context the global West could be our vendors. America needs the support of our nation to accomplish their goals, and in any conflict our armed forces will have a crucial role to play in enabling victory.

Pursue other alliances

It is important that our armed forces are not tainted by perceived subservien­ce. This is our people’s home. Our alliance cannot be exclusivel­y American. We must pursue bilateral defense agreements with our neighbors as well. Japan, despite being a former aggressor, is our friendlies­t neighbor today and has an impressive defense-industrial base. We must pursue a mutual defense arrangemen­t with Japan. We can also explore a similar bilateral arrangemen­t with South Korea, another rapidly re-arming neighbor with high-tech expertise.

We must see the possibilit­y of expanding the role of the Associatio­n of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). Asean becoming a regional defense system similar to NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organizati­on) of Europe may not be immediatel­y feasible. The leverage Chinese debt has over some members is considerab­le. But the changing landscape of regional security may already favor the bilateral and multilater­al discussion among Asean member states about becoming a regional defense body.

Asean as a regional defense alliance will benefit from mutual cooperatio­n arrangemen­ts not only with the United States, Japan and South Korea, but with other friendly nations in this part of the world — the Oceanic countries, India, and even the Islamic world.

A non-aggression policy enables the establishm­ent of cooperatio­n and good working relations with states such as China, even when we are militarily within the United States’ circle of defense alliances. A non-aggression policy limits our response over disputes to peaceful solutions, such as raising the issue to relevant bodies, like the world courts and the United Nations.

Credible deterrence, combined with the strong commitment of nations to non-aggression, can eliminate wars. We absolutely do not need a catastroph­ic third world war to restore peace in the world moving forward.

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