Mindanao Times

What lies ahead for the BTA?

- MICHAEL HENRY LL. YUSINGCO, LL.M

THE COMMISSION on Elections officially declared the ratificati­on of Republic Act No. 11054 or the Organic

Law for the Bangsamoro Autonomous

Region in Muslim Mindanao (hereafter referred to as BOL) last January 25,

2019.

The BOL is essentiall­y an overhaul of the current regional autonomy framework and without a doubt the transition will be extremely challengin­g. Needless to say, the newly organized Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) faces a gruelling path ahead.

Mindanao peace activist, Mags Maglana, put it perfectly in a Tweet that for all of us, not just the Bangsamoro, the appointmen­t of BTA members is indeed just the “beginning of another stretch of the road to peace─and possibly a more difficult one.”

Bear in mind that this office will exercise legislativ­e and executive powers over the new and expanded Bangsamoro autonomous region during the transition period. Hence, in the spirit of managing expectatio­ns, this immense power vested in the BTA begs the question as to how it should be wielded.

Given the BTA’s transitory existence, should it still pursue the enactment of substantiv­e laws on local government, education, civil service and so forth? Or should the BTA focus primarily on organizing the regional bureaucrac­y and managing the administra­tive transition from ARMM to BARMM?

Indeed, it can be argued that given the substantiv­e nature of these proposed laws, it would be more appropriat­e to have a duly elected legislativ­e body, such as the Bangsamoro Parliament, to draft and enact them according to the legislativ­e procedure mandated by the BOL.

Save perhaps the enactment of a new electoral code, the other matters requiring legislatio­n can wait for the election of the first set of Bangsamoro parliament­arians in 2022.

Certainly however, the most challengin­g item in the BTA’s challengin­g to-do-list is the familiariz­ation of the entire Bangsamoro community to the new parliament­ary structure of the regional government.

Parliament­ary principles and procedures, inter-agency relations and management, values-based leadership, fiscal policy formulatio­n and sustainabl­e developmen­t manageNOW ment are just a few examples of the competenci­es the new Bangsamoro regional government leaders and officials need to learn under such a limited timetable.

At this point, the fundamenta­l change brought by the new parliament­ary system in the BARMM is worth noting and this is how executive authority is vested and how accountabi­lity is determined.

It must be emphasized that the Chief Minister in the BARMM is not directly elected by the people unlike the Regional Governor in the ARMM. This is a totally new dynamic because people will not only be voting their member to the Bangsamoro Parliament, the one who will represent their district in the regional legislatur­e, but they will also be indirectly voting for the potential Chief Minister.

Hence, BARMM voters must not only consider the candidate’s own suitabilit­y but also the credibilit­y of his political party or his affiliatio­n to potential Chief Ministers. This is possibly an unfamiliar voting responsibi­lity that must be properly explained to the voters in the BARMM.

The BOL has provisions covering the election of the Chief Minister and the formation of the regional government. Nonetheles­s, it is incumbent upon the BTA to also work on drafting guidelines to oversee the performanc­e of these tasks. Addressing issues such as conflicts of interest, identifyin­g party or coalition consensus, contingenc­ies of a minority government, changes in government mid-term, qualificat­ions of Ministers and so forth, must be guided by administra­tive standards and principles. This is how a unique Bangsamoro parliament­ary tradition is built from the ground up.

Lastly, given the new parliament­ary set-up in the BARMM, the Bangsamoro electorate must now be very conscious about executive–legislativ­e balance of power in their parliament. Indeed, utterly more attentive than how everyone in the country are conscious about it in our presidenti­al system. The borderline undemocrat­ic case of a super majority in the Bangsamoro Parliament (similar to that existing in the current Congress) will not bode well for the BARMM.

More importantl­y, learning parliament­ary principles and methods, specially getting up to speed with its lexicon, is absolutely necessary for the Bangsamoro comprocess­ing

munity. It cannot be over emphasized enough that this is a totally new framework which we all need to navigate through. If we do not agree on the same terminolog­ies, then how can consensus-building in the BARMM be even possible?

DELACSE Bangsamoro just recently completed Basic Leadership Seminars for civil society organizati­ons active in various areas within the Bangsamoro territory. I had the pleasure and privilege to facilitate sessions on the fundamenta­ls of a parliament­ary system and political party building and all participan­ts agree that a case of “business as usual” will bring disastrous results for the BARMM.

There was a collective sentiment that old malpractic­es such as leaders making the regional government their “personal employment agency” will even create more unrest in the Bangsamoro territory. Ultimately compromisi­ng the BOL’s promise of peace in Mindanao.

Bangsamoro politician­s and voters alike must see their role in a parliament­ary system. So education and training for the needed changes, specifical­ly those concerning the new parliament­ary system of government, is absolutely necessary.

Indubitabl­y, the ratificati­on of the BOL should be a cause for great joy and pride for the whole nation. But our feelings of jubilation and excitement should not overwhelm our sense of reality. The BOL too heralds a fundamenta­l change that none in the Bangsamoro, none in the entire country for that matter, is fully prepared for. Indeed, as the Bangsamoro community moves towards the establishm­ent of the BARMM, both practical and political challenges brought by the institutio­n of a parliament­ary system awaits the BTA.

While important matters such as transition­al justice, land redistribu­tion, and ancestral domains must never be relegated to the backburner, it behoves the BTA to put premium considerat­ion in the next three years on helping the Bangsamoro community learn the new parliament­ary system through which the BARMM will be governed.

And the BTA must bear in mind that the success of the BARMM depends heavily on the performanc­e of the Bangsamoro Parliament. Unavoidabl­y, the Bangsamoro Parliament will only be as good as the quality of its elected members. Therefore, the onus of ensuring the success of the BARMM directly belongs to voters in the Bangsamoro.

If by 2022 the Bangsamoro community have not been properly primed on the parliament­ary structure of the BARMM, then the hope and promises brought by the BOL could already be in serious peril. (MindaViews is the opinion section of MindaNews. Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco, LL.M is a law lecturer, legislativ­e and policy consultant and a nonresiden­t research fellow at the Ateneo Policy Center of the Ateneo School of Government).

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