How their language affects the Ilonggos: tracing the family tree

IT HAS often been noticed and said that Ilonggos (both Hiligaynon and Karay- a speakers) are clannish people.

Do their languages have anything to do with it?

In my opinion, yes it has. Hiligaynon and Kinaray- a are peculiar in that they do not have the equivalent word for “cousin” ( English), “ig- agaw” ( Cebuano), “pinsan” ( Tagalog). On the other hand, Hiligaynon and Kinaray-a have exact terms for specific relations. For example:

* First cousin = pakaisa

* Second cousin = pakaduwa * Third cousing = pakatlo * Fourth cousin = pakap-at First cousin’s son or daughter = Hinablos/pumangkon sa pakaisa

First cousin of a parent = Tiya/ Tiyo sa pakaisa

Second cousin’s son or daughter = Hinablos/pumangkon sa pakaduwa And so on.

A peculiar thing then happens when two Ilonggo relatives first meet. Normally they start talking to each other in either Hiligaynon or Kinaray- a. They do not know what type of “cousin” they are, and since this word does not exist in the vocabulary, they have to determine the specifics. A common consequence is that they start tracing ancestral lineage.

Ilonggo A: Magparyentehanay gali ta?

Ilonggo B: Hu-o, sa mga nanay naton daw. Sin-o ang nanay mo? Ilonggo A: Si Teresa. Ilonggo B: Hmm, daw indi ko kakilala sa iya.. Sin-o ang lolo kag lola mo sa nanay mo?

Ilonggo A: Si Unyo.. Ilonggo B: Dianay, si Lolo Unyo ang pakaisa ni Lolo Bitis?

Ilonggo A: Huo! Kilala ko si Lolo

Bitis! Siya gali ang Lolo mo?

Ilonggo B: Huo! Te, mag-pakatlo gali ta! (Third cousin) Kay ang mga nanay naton mag-pakaduwa!

This is a typical conversation of two Ilonggo relatives meeting for the first time. They are forced to trace their ancestral lineage. What else could they do given that their language does not have the word cousin, but has the words for the specific types of cousins? It’s a classic case of language affecting culture.

An ethnolinguistic people that regularly trace their ancestral lineage would probably tend to forge stronger family bonds than others that do not. Many non-Ilonggos who marry into Ilonggo families can probably attest to this tendency. (I doubt if the Ilonggos themselves notice, as they seem to take it for granted.)

Another common observation of the Ilonggo’s languages and dialects is their sing- song intonation. To others it might sound peculiar, a cause of amusement, perhaps a backwater provincial accent.

Then they should hear the traditional Binalaybay poeticoratories still delivered in barrio fiestas in rural Iloilo. The Ilonggo sing- song intonation suddenly jives. It’s peculiarly suited to public delivery of poems and oratories, and the sing-song intonation suddenly transforms into a beautiful melody.

Alas, the Ilonggos, like the rest of the non-Tagalog peoples of the Philippines are dying! Percentage population of Ilonggo- speaking Filipinos since the implementation of the National Language policy in World War II (by the Japanese Philippine collaborationist government) has dropped from 12% to 9%, according to National Statistics Office surveys.

If we do not correct the National Language policy which is based on the unity in uniformity ideology of the Unitarian Philppines, if we do not teach Hiligaynon and Kinaray-a in the schools of their traditional areas in order to preserve them, the once vibrant Ilonggo people, the bonds that they formed, the melody of their tongue, would soon be dead./