Philippine Daily Inquirer

The latest on the JBC

- Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, SJ a

SINCE 1987 the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) has struggled with the question of whether it should allow two or only one member of Congress to sit in the body. Last month a divided Supreme Court finally ordered the JBC: You can have only one member of Congress. Howmuch of a difference will that make?

But first a bit of history as the Supreme Court tells it: “It bears reiteratin­g that from the birth of the Philippine Republic, the exercise of appointing members of the Judiciary has always been the exclusive prerogativ­e of the executive and legislativ­e branches of the government. Like their progenitor of American origins, both the Malolos Constituti­on and the 1935 Constituti­on vested the power to appoint the members of the Judiciary in the President, subject to confirmati­on by the Commission on Appointmen­ts.

“It was during these times that the country became witness to the deplorable practice of aspirants seeking confirmati­on of their appointmen­t in the Judiciary to ingratiate themselves with the members of the legislativ­e body.

“Then, under the 1973 Constituti­on, with the fusion of the executive and legislativ­e powers in one body, the appointmen­t of judges and justices ceased to be subject of scrutiny by another body. The power became exclusive and absolute to the Executive, subject only to the condition that the appointees must have all the qualificat­ions and none of the disqualifi­cations.

“Prompted by the clamor to rid the process of appointmen­ts to the Judiciary of the evils of political pressure and partisan activities, the members of the Constituti­onal Commission saw it wise to create a separate, competent and independen­t body to recommend nominees to the President. Thus, it conceived of a body, representa­tive of all the stakeholde­rs in the judicial appointmen­t process, and called it the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC).”

The Constituti­on now says: “A Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under the supervisio­n of the Supreme Court composed of the Chief Justice as ex officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice, and

representa­tive of the Congress as ex officio Members, a representa­tive of the Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a representa­tive of the private sector.”

I recall that when this provision providing for only one member of Congress in the JBC was approved, the thinking of the Constituti­onal Commission was that the legislativ­e body would be unicameral. When the commission decided instead to have a bicameral Congress, the commission, whether intentiona­lly or inadverten­tly, did not change what it had approved about legislativ­e participat­ion in the council.

When the provision was first implemente­d, only one member of Congress sat. By 1994, however, two legislator­s were allowed to sit but either alternatin­g or sitting together but with only half a vote each. In 2001, however, the JBC allowed two members to sit, each with a full vote.

The Supreme Court decision of last April 16 put an end to this and said there should be only one member of Congress in the JBC. Will that really make much of a difference in the quality of the JBC’s decisions?

Your answer to this question will be as good or as bad as mine. But if we must change the system of appointing justices and judges, my preference would be to go back to the 1935 system of requiring confirmati­on by the Senate for appointmen­ts to the Supreme Court. That system gave us the golden years of the Supreme Court.

I know that the shift away from this system was justified by the desire to remove political influence from the appointing system. When the Constituti­onal Commission was debating the subject, however, the examples given of political influence were not taken from the process of appointing members of the Supreme Court but from appointmen­ts to lower courts and to executive offices.

Has the JBC given us a better judiciary, whether in the higher or the lower levels? As lawyers would say, Res ipsa loquitur! Certainly, however, the present system is an improvemen­t on the system under the 1973 Constituti­on when all appointmen­ts were at the discretion of the president.

Even today, however, we must ask how strong the influence of the president can be on the appointmen­t process. True it is that the president can only appoint from among those recommende­d by the JBC. The Constituti­on says from among “at least three.” The JBC can give the president more to choose from.

Moreover, look at the compositio­n of the council. The chief justice, the secretary of justice and a member of Congress are ex officio members. The rest—a representa­tive of the Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired member of the Supreme Court, and a representa­tive of the private sector—are appointed by the president but with the consent of the Commission on Appointmen­ts. Will that solve the problem of political (read: “presidenti­al”) interferen­ce?

Under the 1935 Constituti­on, the president had to present to the Commission on Appointmen­ts impeccable nominees for chief justice and associate justices, or risk being rebuffed by the Commission on Appointmen­ts. As I see it now, the JBC is so composed as to be proximatel­y exposed to the temptation of serving to the president a platter of “peccable” nominees. In the end, we get the government we vote for!

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