Philippine Daily Inquirer

House warring against Supreme Court?

- Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, SJ

I DON’T know if it is the entire House of Representa­tives or only some elements of it, but I get the impression that there is a brewing desire to bring some or all of the Supreme Court justices to their knees.

Indeed, House members have reason to be unhappy with the Court. For one, the unanimous decision of the Court declaring the Priority Developmen­t Assistance Fund unconstitu­tional broke the hearts of many. Members of Congress were stripped of a major and almost unrestrict­ed tool for politickin­g. The complaint most often heard was: How can we now satisfy the education and health needs of our constituen­ts? How noble! But the answer to that, of course, is that they can pass a supplement­al budget; but under the PDAF decision they will not be able to exercise unrestrict­ed discretion. That is the unkindest cut. So, how bring the justices to their knees.

The first weapon in the legislativ­e armory that comes to mind, and which is being mentioned, is impeachmen­t. The memory of the Corona experience is still fresh. It absorbed the attention of Congress for several months. In a sense it brought out the best and the worst in politician­s. What makes the outcome of an impeachmen­t trial unpredicta­ble is the fact that the quantum of proof needed to convict in impeachmen­t has never been jurisprude­ntially clarified. And because of the nature of impeachmen­t, it will never be. The result will always be dictated by political justice.

But it is not easy to get impeachmen­t started and going. It starts at the House committee on justice. Whether the committee’s vote is favorable or unfavorabl­e, the charge is sent to the House plenary. A vote of at least one-third of all the members of theHouse is necessary to form and send the articles of impeachmen­t to the Senate for trial. No person is convicted without the concurrenc­e of twothirds of all themembers of the Senate.

The system succeeded in the impeachmen­t of

House members have reason to be unhappy

with the SC. For one, its ruling striking down the PDAF broke the hearts ofmany

Chief Justice Renato Corona. Will the Filipino people want to see another bruising political battle so soon after? Let me make some general observatio­ns on what happened in the Corona impeachmen­t trial.

The impeachmen­t body, which we usually refer to as a court, is both a judicial and political (read: policymaki­ng) body. If it were meant to be a judicial body purely, the responsibi­lity for impeachmen­t would have been entrusted to a body under the judicial department.

As a judicial body in the impeachmen­t process, the Senate applies the law. A virtue we expect of a judge is what is usually described as “cold neutrality.” In the Corona proceeding, I do not think anybody will accuse some members of the Senate of that virtue. But there is a plausible explanatio­n for that.

As asserted in a number of rulings of the presiding officer, the senators are given a wide leeway for asking questions. He recognized that the senators are also jurors in search of truth. Thus, in all of this, so much depends on the sense of fairness of each individual senator. Incidental­ly, also of the president.

Indeed, in countries where there is a jury system, there is such a thing as jury misconduct, which can cause the reversal of a verdict. The cases on jury misconduct range from intentiona­l disregard of the juror’s oath to unintentio­nal actions by jurors who do not understand jury protocol.

But what do Imean when I say that the impeachmen­t body is also a policymaki­ng body? Imean that legislator­s also consider what is best for the country. Let me illustrate. Assume that the Senate finds that there is no sufficient ground to convict the accused. Fairness would demand that the accused be acquitted. Let us suppose, however, that the Senate finds sufficient ground for removal of the accused, but in its judgment it would beworse for the country if the accused is removed from office. In the exercise of its policymaki­ng power, it might decide to keep the accused in office.

Will we know the reasons behind the decision of the senators? We might or we might not. As I see it, there is no obligation on the part of the senators to explain their vote. Butmost of them probably will explain their vote, (as indeed they did), because they know that they themselves are on trial before the court of public opinion.

Will the current Congress decide in favor of impeachmen­t of the current justices? I can already see that the House is divided on the subject. But if the House should decide against impeachmen­t, what can be used against the judiciary? Already, there is mention of investigat­ing the financial conduct of the Supreme Court. But I have no space to discuss that now.

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