Philippine Daily Inquirer

How many Filipino druggies?

- ———— Edilberto C. de Jesus (edcdejesus@gmail.com) is professor emeritus at the Asian Institute of Management. Prof. Rofel Brion’s Tagalog translatio­n of this column and others earlier published, together with other commentari­es, are in http://secondthou­gh

According to the Dangerous Drugs Board (DDB), 1.8 million in 2015. “Wrong,” pronounced President Duterte, who had been saying “4 million” even before his election, and summarily sacked DDB Chair Benjamin Reyes without explaining why 4 million was the correct number.

Actually, according to Philippine Drug Enforcemen­t Agency (PDEA) Director General Isidro Lapeña, the real number is 4.7 million. This estimate was helpful to the President, but provoked the inevitable question: Howdid the number rise over two and a half times during a year when the Duterte war on drugs was driving the surrender of over a million drug abusers and killing off thousands of them?

Through the letter of Deputy Director General Ricardo Quinto, PDEA ventured to explain the “exact science” behind its figures. It pointed out that DDB based its estimate on a nationwide survey of 5,000 respondent­s 1069 years old. In contrast, PDEA relied on the Philippine National Police’s “Oplan Tokhang” visits to nearly 7.8 million households, about 34 percent of the total number nationwide.

Tokhang compelled the surrender of about 1.27 million “drug personalit­ies,” or at least one drug user/pusher in 16 percent of the households visited. The large number of households covered by the PNP and the resulting harvest of surrenders apparently gave PDEA the confidence to project from the Tokhang sample the incidence of drug abuse nationwide at 4.7 million.

How valid is the conclusion that the drug abuse in the country mirrors the proportion­s discovered among the Tokhang households? The validity depends on how well the Tokhang sample represents the larger population. More critical than sample size is the rigor of the random selection process, which ensures that the sample and the findings from it are representa­tive of the larger community. Were the Tokhang households selected at random, so that any household in the country had an equal chance of being chosen?

Much controvers­y has surrounded the issue of how households were selected for inclusion in the Tokhang visits and what registrati­on in the “surrender” list means. What is clear is that the PDEAsample was not random and not representa­tive. The target Tokhang households were apparently already suspected of harboring drug addicts. Stressing the accuracy of its informatio­n, PDEA noted that those who surrendere­d “have actual faces and profiles stored in the PNP’s databases.”

These databases may serve legitimate police purposes, but the Tokhang sample cannot provide a scientific basis for estimating nationwide drug addiction. A projection of the cancer incidence in the Philippine­s would be similarly flawed if weselected the respondent­s only from the population of hospital patients.

Other unsupporte­d PDEA statements are unhelpful, such as the claim that 47 percent of Philippine barangays are “affected” by illegal drugs. What does “affect” mean and how do we measure its intensity? The failure of government authoritie­s to distinguis­h between drug user, addict and pusher is also problemati­c. There are different levels of addiction, and the laws themselves make a distinctio­n between using and traffickin­g drugs. Without a clarificat­ion of these terms, drug addiction numbers will remain questionab­le.

We need more explanatio­n of the numbers from DDB, President Duterte and PDEA. For an issue with life-and-death implicatio­ns, this is hardly academic nitpicking. A credible estimate of gross numbers is critical to the validation of the Duterte war on drugs. Is the country truly a narco-state in the grip of an existentia­l drug crisis? Experts agree that we face a drug problem but nowhere near the scale confrontin­g countries commonly branded narco-states.

Our response to the drug problem must be proportion­al to its scale, lest the cure inflict more damage than the disease. The same principle should apply to the declaratio­n of martial law throughout Mindanao.

PDEAdeserv­es credit for declaring its willingnes­s to “submit to any Senate or congressio­nal probe ... to clarify the ‘real’ statistics.” We urgently need this clarificat­ion to begin a sober assessment of the rationale, context and consequenc­es of the Duterte war on drugs.

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