Philippine Daily Inquirer

3 fundamenta­l features of a federal framework

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Apolinario Mabini believed that federalism, “besides being the most perfect among the republican forms, is best suited to the topography of our country.” Clearly, this is an endorsemen­t of federaliza­tion that must not to be ignored.

However, a caveat that must not be ignored as well was raised by Raphael N. Montes in “Understand­ing Federalism”: “Designing a federal system is not a very easy task. Besides its basic principles, federalism is very customizab­le. The peculiarit­ies of a country would define the different features of its own brand of federalism.”

In sum, a federal structure of government is a good fit for the country, but defining the nitty-gritty of the federal framework will be very difficult. In the words of President Duterte, this endeavor would entail “long, very contentiou­s discussion­s.”

Whether the federal structure will be presidenti­al, semi-presidenti­al or parliament­ary, bicameral or unicameral, is indeed up for debate. But there are three fundamenta­l features of a federal framework that are indispensa­ble: 1) a streamline­d allocation of responsibi­lities between the central and state government­s; 2) a state government structure that reflects a collective approach to governance; and 3) mechanisms that foster cooperatio­n and collaborat­ion among the state government­s in addressing national concerns.

On the first feature: the assignment of responsibi­lities must be clear and coherent, and the distributi­on scheme formulated in such a way that the designatio­n of accountabi­lity is unequivoca­l.

This prescripti­on is very critical. The correct allocation of tax powers and other revenue-raising measures between the two levels of government hinge on it. It will also influence how the scope of federal legislativ­e power is delineated.

On the second, the current subnationa­l government apparatus must be replaced because it has entrenched the patronage relationsh­ip between the local executive and his constituen­cy. An effective countermea­sure against this culture of patronage is to integrate a sense of community at the state-level. The structure itself must be configured to facilitate a collective governance mindset.

An example of such would be a parliament­ary type of configurat­ion like the “leader-and-cabinet model” used by local government­s in the United Kingdom. As a corollary to this restructur­ing, the mechanism of sectoral representa­tion can be further enhanced in the “cabinet” to widen and deepen community participat­ion in policy formulatio­n and implementa­tion.

Other measures to ensure the sustained and significan­t involvemen­t of the people in local politics (e.g., an antilocal dynasty mechanism, political party prescripti­ons) are likewise imperative. Keeping in mind, of course, that the engagement of the community in statelevel governance is crucial to the success of the federal regime itself.

Third, mechanisms must be establishe­d to foster cooperatio­n and collaborat­ion among the constituen­t state government­s in addressing national concerns. One solid truth about federalism is that it does not diminish the integrity of the nation-state. Indeed, a federation is not just about the devolution of political and fiscal powers to the subnationa­l level, it is also about institutio­nalizing coordinate­d efforts toward national developmen­t.

It must be emphasized: For the government structure to be truly federal, the new charter must depart from the nonself-executory standing of local autonomy in the 1987 Constituti­on. Meaning, these three fundamenta­l attributes of federalism must be evident in the text of the projected federal constituti­on itself and should no longer require any enabling legislatio­n for its institutio­nalization.

A last caveat equally not to be ignored comes from noted federalism expert and constituti­onal scholar from the Melbourne Law School, Prof. Cheryl Saunders. She warns: Whatever the final federal design is, there should be among the people both a shared understand­ing of what has been created and a shared commitment to making the new system work. Otherwise, federaliza­tion may not produce the outcomes many Filipinos are so excited about right now.

———— Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco, a practicing lawyer, is the author of the book “Rethinking the Bangsamoro Perspectiv­e.” He conducts research on current issues in state-building, decentrali­zation and constituti­onalism.

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