Philippine Daily Inquirer

Cowardly and shameful

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Ayear ago this week the Supreme Court promulgate­d its ruling in Ocampo vs Enriquez: the Marcos burial cases. A year on, the country continues to suffer the consequenc­es of that cowardly and shameful decision. The most visible consequenc­e is that the Marcos family—responsibl­e for wholesale plunder and the ruin of the economy, the killing of thousands of dissenters and the torture of tens of thousands more, the systematic corruption of the political system and the military—is acting as if it has been fully rehabilita­ted. A recent party had all the hallmarks of Imeldific extravagan­za. The 100th birth anniversar­y of Ferdinand Marcos was observed right at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, with the family sending out invitation­s to high government officials and the diplomatic corps. And heir apparent Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and his subalterns are now acting as if they expect the Supreme Court, sitting as the Presidenti­al Electoral Tribunal, to favor his electoral protest against Vice President Leni Robredo.

The more insidious consequenc­e, because less visible but potentiall­y more harmful, is the damage to the reputation of the Court itself. To the observant public, the decision to allow the burial of the remains of the dictator in a public memorial park which the majority of nine justices themselves called a national shrine did not—does not—compute. The eruption of protests in different cities across the country in November 2016, many of them led by the millennial generation, was a clear signal; many people learned to explain the decision’s manifest unfairness as a mere game of numbers between two kinds of justices: the practicalm­inded versus the idealistic.

The most important consequenc­e, however, is the ruling’s impact, not only on the Supreme Court’s previous jurisprude­nce and its understand­ing of the role it plays under the 1987 Constituti­on, but also and especially on the exercise of power by the President himself.

Essentiall­y, the Court in Ocampo vs Enriquez declined to use the new great power the Constituti­on assigned to it after the ouster of Marcos, and decreed that the issue of President Duterte’s campaign promise to bury Marcos in the Libingan ng mga Bayani was a political question and out of its ambit. But the new power to determine “grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdicti­on” was granted by the Constituti­on precisely as a response to Marcos’ abuses of presidenti­al power. The new provision drasticall­y limits the scope of the “political question” defense.

Out of sheer cowardice, the nine- person majority ruled that assailing President Duterte’s determinat­ion to implement his campaign promise was a political question beyond the reach of the Court. This cannot be correct. What if the campaign pledge in question was a promise to cede Philippine maritime claims in the West Philippine Sea to China, as a way to buy peace in the region? This amounts to surrenderi­ng both Philippine sovereignt­y and territory; will the Court watch idly as the new president proceeds to implement an obviously unconstitu­tional promise?

So the mere fact that an election grants a new president the mandate to make good on his campaign promises does not place such promises beyond the reach of the Supreme Court. Each one may be challenged precisely on constituti­onal grounds. In Ocampo vs Enriquez, the Court severely limited the meaning of the popular will that drove the Marcoses out of Malacañang in February 1986, and a year later overwhelmi­ngly ratified the new Constituti­on; in contrast, it grants President Duterte’s election, with only 38 percent of the vote, with the widest possible latitude. This, again, cannot be correct.

Unfortunat­ely, the undue deference that an intimidate­d Court showed President Duterte in the Marcos burial cases proved to be an omen. The same undue deference was the motive force behind the decision validating the President’s imposition of martial law in the entirety of Mindanao. We expect the Supreme Court to be the first defender and last bastion of the Constituti­on. Its decision in Ocampo vs Enriquez showed us a Court that failed its duty and betrayed the public’s highest interest.

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