Asean and the Rohingya issue: Challenges and perspectives
Should you close your eyes to the unfair and unjust, you will be a part of that wrong—that will drift you further from truth and reality. —Confucius
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) Summit to be held in Manila on Nov. 13 to 14 is expected to cover a wide range of issues—overall assessment of progress in the six priority areas determined at previous summits, strengthened partnership, institutional effectiveness, regional and global peace, security and stability.
Despite the agreement on nonbinding Declaration of Conduct in the South China Sea, member countries were unanimous on not using threat or force to assert any territorial claims.
The South China sea issue and response to North Korea’s nuclear threats remain critical and are likely to be among the key agenda for the meeting.
Rohingya exodus
But at their summit, it is expected the Asean leaders will consider with priority the critical issue of Rohingya exodus from Myanmar to Bangladesh.
This has not only created a humanitarian crisis but also looms as a threat to peace and security in both South and Southeast Asia.
Asean has come a long way and certainly a success story in regional cooperation.
Over the course of its 50year history till now, Asean members have dealt with political, social, economic and security constraints and challenges with remarkable prudence and insights.
Key milestones include enhancing connectivity, trade facilitation and promoting economic monitoring and surveillance to ensure internal financial stability as well as cushion external shocks.
Despite Asean’s collective efforts to ensure sustained peace, security and stability within the region, the future of the bloc rests mainly on how members reinforce their respective commitments and efforts in the greater interest of achieving the organization’s charter and objectives.
Should there be deviations from Asean’s vision and charted course of action, the organization itself undertakes the responsibility to intervene for preferred solutions.
For instance, understandably there are realistic views that more coherent, responsible and predictable attitude was expected from Myanmar with regard to engagement with neighbors and the international community.
This is at times, evidenced through Myanmar’s noncompliance of and disregard to several UN and Asean resolutions relating to civil liberties and democratic rights.
Presumably, these factors resulted in the country’s prolonged isolation and sanctions till 2008.
In specific terms, Myanmar’s shift from Asean principles is adequately demonstrated by the manner in which the country’s internal “Saffron Revolution” was handled in 2007.
Further to this, Myanmar’s tenure as Asean chair could not reflect adequate progress in resolving key issues of regional importance and concern.
Observers believe there are questions whether on occasions, Myanmar’s policies and actions are fully compliant with Asean principles on the regional community perspective.
Humanitarian crisis
The Rohingya crisis is currently the most critical humanitarian issue the region is faced with.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights describes the Rohingya issue as “classic textbook instance of ethnic cleansing.”
Myanmar’s targeted alienation of a segment of it’s own citizens in its Rakhine province is a gross and unprecedented violation of human rights in contemporary history.
Myanmar authorities made their own citizens of Rakhine province stateless, subjected them to indiscriminate torture and genocide and pushing them to neighboring Bangladesh.
For the past few months, several European and Asian countries, bilateral and multilateral development partners have strongly criticized Myanmar’s actions and asked them to urgently create an environment to take the Rohingya back to their own country.
We may refer here to the most recent initiative by the US Senate and House of Representatives to consider sanctions against Myanmar and the Inter Parliamentary Union resolution asking Myanmar to take back Rohingya.
The UN Security Council on Nov. 6 called upon Myanmar to ensure “there is no further excessive use of military force in the Rakhine state.”
Regrettably enough, Myanmar instantly reacted to this on a negative note.
Given the ground realities, it would be worthwhile for Myanmar to take back the Rohingya as this appears to be the only acceptable solution that would ensure win-win outcomes for all concerned.
Bangladesh has shown utmost patience and resilience despite provocative statements and actions from Myanmar’s side.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s role
In this context, observers feel while there is not much to expect from Myanmar’s military rulers, the role of Aung San Suu Kyi has indeed been disappointing and contrary to expectations from a Nobel laureate for peace.
Myanmar’s continued intransigence toward opting for viable solutions may spur serious challenges to peace and security matters in the medium to long-term perspective.
This will also weaken the process of achieving a credible and forward-looking Asean Economic Community and may deter potentials of interregional economic collaboration between South Asia and Southeast Asia in the near and medium term.
The international community has witnessed how Bangladesh has responded to this situation in the most appropriate manner and with due diligence.
Bangladesh’s actions in giving shelter to Rohingya reflects the country’s credible record of respect for human dignity, values and rights.
The country has extended its hand to suffering humanity, and through this, Bangladesh has made exemplary and valuable contribution to ensuring peace, security and stability in the region.
Actually, the stream of flow of Rohingya refugees is not new, and this has been going on since 1978.
There are more than 500,000 Rohingya living in Bangladesh since those times and the pushing of about 800,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh in recent months, has further aggravated the situation.
This has created added pressure on Bangladesh’s economic and social frameworks.
While Bangladesh has repeatedly called for substantive and results-oriented collaboration with Myanmar to resolve this crisis, Myanmar’s response has been minimum and contrary to what is should really be.
Taking into account the current scenario and on a realistic note, Bangladesh has asked Myanmar to work together on modalities for a new agreement as the 1992 agreement has lost it’s relevance.
New deal called for
Updated modus operandi in handling the crisis and a new agreement is called for, keeping in view the extent and magnitude of the crisis.
Given this critical state of affairs and taking into account the views of the international community, Asean’s role in resolving this issue is not only warranted but more of a necessity.
Perceived silence on the Rohingya issue will give a wrong signal both within and outside the ambit of Asean.
Inability or unwillingness to intervene at this stage may adversely impact Asean’s profile, credibility, image and overall effectiveness.
As a matter of fact, this week’s Asean meeting should be able to do justice to the organization’s own charter, the region and the world through the following proposed actions: •
Refer to the exodus and plight of Rohingya as ruthless violation of human rights and emphasis on immediate actions to end this. •
Ask Myanmar to ensure appropriate environment so that its citizens, i.e. Rohingya, can return to their homes in Rakhine and stay there with safety and human dignity. •
Suggest Myanmar should implement the recommendation of the Kofi Annan Commission and coordinate with UN agencies concerned on the immediate repatriation of the Rohingya from Bangladesh. •
Asean should also extend formal support to the initiative of Sheikh Hasina, prime minister of Bangladesh, for the humanitarian support to the Rohingya and ensure Bangladesh of Asean’s further support and cooperation in sending the Rohingya back to their own country, Myanmar. •
Asean should also send delegation to the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh to assess the situation and also offer assistance to probable initiatives to facilitate the repatriation process, as soon as this starts. Prior to this, Asean’s role will be important in persuading Myanmar to accept back their own Rohingya citizens. •
Asean’s peace and conflict resolution mechanism could be mandated to extend necessary assistance and cooperation in this regard.
Finally should there be a need for “safe zones” for Rohingya once it is possible for them to return to their home in Myanmar, Asean may assure the UN of support to creation of such safe zones.
The resolution to the Rohingya crisis is the urgent need of the hour. Time is running out.
(Editor’s Note: Mohammed Parvez Imdad, Ph.D is currently visiting professor and lead economist based in Manila. He has several years of working experience in international civil service.)