Philippine Daily Inquirer

PATH TO SELF-DESTRUCTIO­N

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In order to allay apprehensi­ons about President Duterte’s plan of establishi­ng a revolution­ary government, Malacañang has issued a statement reassuring that there is no such thing. This is so because there are no impending threats of destabiliz­ation that would justify the same.

But what if these threats later supervene? Will it be legally feasible for Mr. Duterte to establish a revolution­ary government?

I don’t think so and here are reasons why:

First, the “operative fact”— revolution—that would otherwise justify a revolution­ary government is wanting under the current state of affairs. Treatises on the matter are unified on the concept that a revolution­ary government is one which comes into existence in defiance of existing legal processes. Simply put, it is one borne out of overthrowi­ng an existing duly constitute­d government.

One need not look for external precedents. In fact, the Philippine­s experience­d a revolution­ary government under Corazon Aquino as a consequenc­e of the 1986 People Power Revolution that overthrew Ferdinand Marcos from power. Barred by the legal requisites of the 1973 Constituti­on to take over the presidency, Mrs. Aquino instead opted to begin her governance by virtue of Proclamati­on No. 3 or what history knows as her “provisiona­l constituti­on.” Hence, it becomes apparent that the establishm­ent of a revolution­ary government presuppose­s the existence of the same kind and nature of revolution—one that overthrows an existing and duly constitute­d one.

Mr. Duterte may not overthrow himself and the duly constitute­d government which conferred upon him all such powers he currently exercises. To do so is complete absurdity, unless he otherwise chooses the path to self-destructio­n. If at all, those who are supposed to harbor the idea of a revolution­ary government are his purported detractors and destabiliz­ers—not him.

Second, the switch from a republican state to one operating under a revolution­ary government has no constituti­onal basis. Section 1, Article II (Declaratio­n of Principles and State Policies) of the 1987 Philippine Constituti­on explicitly declares that the Philippine­s is a democratic and “republican state” and that “sovereignt­y resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them.”

At this juncture, it warrants emphasis that such a declaratio­n is not a motherhood statement. It comprises the fundamenta­l tenets on which the very foundation of our government rests. Hence, a disregard thereof is tantamount to an act tainted with utmost unconstitu­tionality.

Finally, others may argue that Mr. Duterte, pursuant to his constituti­onally recognized “residual powers,” may use the same to establish a revolution­ary government. While this power is plenary and encompassi­ng in nature, one must remember that its due exercise contemplat­es only those that are incidental and necessaril­y implied from those conferred and sanctioned by our Constituti­on. And since a revolution­ary government doesn’t have any place in our organic law, this highly recognized and frequently upheld power cannot therefore be invoked. JANE TALOSIG, jlextalosi­g@outlook.com

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