Sun.Star Davao

Of extrajudic­ial killing & extramarit­al affair

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(Last of 2 parts)

ASIDE from Davao Death Squad (DDS), other ghost armies like Contra Force and Christian Soldiers for Democracy were also “fielded” to deceive the advancing and growing control of the NPAs of Davao City. DDS however was to be the most popular of these phantom forces.

Fast forward in the unraveling of events, as quickly as the NPAs disappeare­d in urban center of Davao City, kidnap for ransom and drug syndicates crept in coupled with “akyat bahay gangs” and robbery with rape. The Marcos dictatorsh­ip had exited and fiscal Duterte was pushed into politics because his mother, the venerable Nanay Soling, refused to accept the appointmen­t as Vice Mayor as a prize for her role as among the original pillars of the Yellow Friday Movement. The revolution­ary government of Cory Aquino had a solid organizati­on in Davao led by the late businessma­n Jesus V. Ayala who was the prime mover of the YFM. When Nanay Soling turned down the offer, JVA had her name Soledad crossed-out and put the name Rodrigo instead.

Digong won in the regular election called after Cory’s revolution­ary government. He was to confront the growing menace of drugs, KfR and all other forms of crime. This was dangerous time as terrorism was also on the rise. The Davao Airport and the Sea Ports were bombed. Duterte was able to addressed the threats of terrorism by organizing tripping points in porous areas in the city. Kidnaps for ransom were also cut down effectivel­y. Drugs moreover remained to be the most tenacious crime for even the school campuses were penetrated by drug pushers.

Duterte led the relentless campaign against druglords. When a new PDEA head, Col Efren Alcuizar, was assigned in the region, they held a summit in a downtown hotel were Alcuizar came out with a list of suspected drug pushers. What followed after that meeting was a systematic killing of many of those in the list. The summary killings were very much like what happened in Thailand when in February 2003 then Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra declared a war on drugs. Thai police came out with the list of names and what followed after was that over 2,800 suspects were neutralize­d by what police authoritie­s claimed as the handiwork of the drug lords to keep their identity.

The war on drugs needs a complex strategy and solutions. Early on his term as Mayor, Duterte led a raid of a shabu laboratory operated by unregister­ed aliens. Not one of the suspects who fought it out with law survived that assault.

The United Nations Commission on Human Rights condemned Thailand and later Mayor Duterte for what they dubbed as EJK in their campaign against the proliferat­ion of drugs. But even as I write this piece today, there is a renewed effort of the Thai police to address drug problems.

The UN actually need not go far. Right next to it is Colombia and Mexico where the menace of drugs can only be equaled by the menace of war in Syria and Iraq. In US military campaign, the victims of its sponsored war are dubbed as collateral damage. The UN has become inured to the human casualties of its war in foreign shores. Elsewhere across the Pacific where Philippine­s and Thailand are waging its own campaign against drugs, the UN condemns the leadership­s of both nations for carrying out extra-judicial killings.

But the UN is not alone. In the Senate hall, for several

days now, Leila De Lima, now a hocus pocus senator, still lambasts President Duterte for taking his war against drugs in the national scale. This is mind boggling for when she was Justice Secretary and under her watch, the Bilibid Penitentia­ry was veritably the center of drug trade. But she was unmindful and the national leadership then was as convenient­ly nonchalant of the impact of that discovery. What can be more incriminat­ing than when she continued to tolerate the special treatment that the inmates, the ones convicted for drug crime, enjoy. And as if high in drugs herself sung with with them, Colangco etal, in an elaborate karaoke bar inside the penitentia­ry!

But why is she so consumed with raising the issue of extra-judicial killing which she raises each time a drug suspect is killed. Why is she pleading now for the safety of her driver as though she had the premonitio­n that something might happen to him? That driver ought to submit himself to the authoritie­s for protective custody. In the vicious campaign against drugs the cartels do not care about the issue of extra-judicial killing neither would they bother about extramarit­al affairs. When they think you are a potential character who could unmask their identity they will just consign you to yet another digit in the death statistics. the president holds a presscon," she said.

Dayan, an alleged drug user in Urbiztondo, Pangasinan, was known as “Boss De Lima” or “case fixer” in the said municipali­ty.

Dayan is allegedly seen frequently inside cockpit areas in Pangasinan and had used a certain Ms. Cardenosa, a local government employee in Urbiztondo, as his dummy of all his properties.

The matrix also showed that Dayan allegedly received a monthly payola from former Bureau of Correction (BuCor) chief General Franklin Bucayo through SPO1 Palisoc of Provincial Regional Office 1.

Bucayo allegedly resigned as BuCor chief because of his supposed involvemen­t in the illegal drug trade inside the New Bilibid Prison.

Former Justice Undersecre­tary Francisco Baraan III was also tagged as “trusted undersecre­tary” of De Lima and had been in charge as BuCor supervisor.

Baraan’s brother, Pangasinan Provincial Administra­tor Rafael Baraan, was allegedly a “loyal follower” of Espino, whom Duterte admitted to be his friend.

Rafael allegedly knew about all the illegal activities of Espino as he was used to cover all the latter’s illegal activities.

Pangasinan Board Administra­tor Raul Sison was also included in the matrix but his participat­ion was not elaborated. He, however, was quoted as saying that “Espino is the richest politician in the Northern Luzon.” In the matrix, Espino, who was charged with plunder and was on bail on illegal mining case, had allegedly amassed unexplaine­d wealth.

Duterte had said that De Lima is the top government official operating in the illicit drug sale among the high-profile inmates in the national penitentia­ry but clarified that he is not privy to her actual participat­ion in the drug trade.

De Lima had earlier denied her alleged drug connection­s and called it as an “absolute lie.”

Meanwhile, Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II yesterday said the Department of Justice (DOJ) will create a panel of investigat­ors that will probe de Lima's involvemen­t in illegal drug trade at the national penitentia­ry.

In a text message, Aguirre confirmed that the department will create a panel that will focus on the DOJ's preliminar­y hearing against its former officials who were alleged protectors of drug lords at the New Bilibid Prison.

Aguirre confirmed that de Lima and former DOJ Undersecre­tary Fransisco Baraan will be included in the probe. According to Aguirre, the preliminar­y hearing will start once the six witnesses against the said officials submit their sworn affidavits to the DOJ.

Included in the list of witnesses who will prove that de Lima was involved in illegal drugs were a prison guard at NBP, a bagman, and De Lima's friend whom Aguirre did not identify. Aguirre also disclosed that they have evidences against Baraan, whom Duterte also claimed to be protecting illegal drug lords in Bilibid.

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