The Philippine Star

OIC should be our ally for federalism

- By CARMEN N. PEDROSA

Federalism, besides being a long word, is unknown to us. We were schooled in political concepts like freedom and democracy the way Americans taught us. Strangely, it is a political idea at the heart of the American system of government. We learned about free individual­s and free countries. But not about free local communitie­s that could manage themselves.

In simple terms what it means is to divide political power between the national government and local government. If we are one country why have such a division? It could lead to secession and is therefore unacceptab­le.

That is true of the Muslim struggle in the Philippine­s. Ir has been frustratin­g to peace talks from government to government. There was little difference between the MOA-AD for which former President Gloria Arroyo was vilified because critics said it was unconstitu­tional?

The former president was willing to call a spade a spade and knew that there was just no other way to satisfy the demands of MILF without constituti­onal reform.

The MOA-AD, drafted under Arroyo would have created a Bangsamoro homeland. The term used for the agreement was Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE). It caused an uproar. Poor PGMA became the fall guy for the solution that was hammered in Kuala Lumpur. She was accused of just wanting “Charter change” to extend her term. Under the MOA-AD the MILF would have full fiscal, political and religious authority.

Today we are back in square one. This time it is not called “Bangsamoro Juridical Entity” but a substate. Can such a substate be created without violating the Constituti­on? President Aquino faces the same dilemma as former President GMA did if the government were to create a substate as demanded by the MILF.

I am not against a substate or a Bangsa Juridical Authority however it is called. The underlying premise is to give political power to the substate. The key then is to find a solution that will give them more political power without violating the Constituti­on.

That requires constituti­onal change, something that is being resisted by those who want to keep the status quo.

The task is to give Bangsamoro enough political leverage while remaining part of the Philippine­s.

Federalism is nothing new and has been around in parts of the world. Other countries like the Philippine­s have come to it only now because nationhood was the more urgent task earlier. But times change and we need to change with it.

In my opinion, constituti­onal reform is needed by the Philippine­s to energize the country. At present it is hamstrung by the misconcept­ion that once federated, the Manila government loses control. This is not entirely true. But to organize the substate will be daunting. How do we achieve unity in diversity was another way of expressing it.

During discussion­s in the 2005 Constituti­onal Commission created by PGMA, one idea put on the table was to distinguis­h between the federal principle and a fully created federal state. With the distinctio­n, between principle and fulfillmen­t, the group agreed to use the term “evolving” federalism.

If a parliament­ary federalism were sought it should evolve slowly and taken in small steps. Among the different regions seeking more political power as a federated unit it would depend on how ready the region was to take up the responsibi­lities of a federated state.

Strangely, the MOA-AD was condemned by constituti­onalists and provincial leaders alike. When the MILF Central Command declared they are conceding to “autonomy” rather than the original call for Bangsamoro “independen­ce” from the Philippine­s, Kato accused the leadership of betraying the original cause of MILF founder Salamat Hashim. Hashim in turn had earlier broken away from the MNLF because it decided to accept ARMM.

Let us give credit where credit is due. A federated state, a substate or a Bangsa juridical entity has long been on the table even before either the Tokyo or Kuala Lumpur peace talks.

I will repeat myself by retelling what we found out when we went to the University of Marawi and met with leaders of the Muslim region. Not only was there a standing ovation for federalism among several Muslim groups, there was also a passionate declaratio­n that “federalism” originated in the Muslim region. It was the only way to go if the Muslims wanted the freedom of religion, a shariah law and a homeland they can call their own without secession. Our ally to the resolution of the problem is the OIC and we must play it to the hilt.

At the time, when Misuari and the MNLF were the main players, the OIC was consulted and it said they would not give support if independen­ce was sought. That gave federalism the push it needed. It would be the compromise between secession and an unsatisfac­tory local autonomy.

Critics of federalism said it would be dangerous to give political power (however it is called) because that would lead to secession. That is the exact opposite of what it means. Federalist­s reasoned that it is the solution because it would give political capacity without having to be an independen­t state.

I joined the Filipino delegation headed by then Speaker Jose de Venecia and Senator Aquilino Pimentel in a forum in Brussels.

In these forums, advanced federal states like Switzerlan­d talked about its experience in organizing federalism as an effective toolf for governance. It had formidable requiremen­ts that must involve marginaliz­ed sectors not just politician­s and notable personalit­ies.

In the Brussels forum I was surprised to know of countries in both Asia and Africa who were interested in federalism and how it could be adopted in their own countries for ethnic and economic reasons. There I discovered a variety of ‘federalism­s’ as there were of democracie­s and freedoms. It is my own opinion that like democracy there is not one way of interpreti­ng federalism.

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