The Philippine Star

What is government with revolution­ary powers?

- By CARMEN N. PEDROSA

Is it the same as revolution­ary government. That is the question that many are now asking because it is the only way to implement the main campaign slogan for change of President Digong. The question comes from both politicall­y literate Filipinos and illiterate Filipinos.

Several previous administra­tions have tried to set up government with revolution­ary powers to pave the way for federalism but these have failed. The main objective is to enable government to switch to federalism with parliament­ary system. But vested interests, some local and others foreign have resisted the change in our system of government. There have been several debates and informatio­n about federalism has been disseminat­ed. With Duterte as president, this resistance may be changed. Even if he does not favor government with revolution­ary powers, he may soon not have much choice.

Federalism with federal government is the way to solve the country’s corruption, criminalit­y and of course, the Bangsamoro problem which needs to be solved sooner than later.

To implement a change in our system of government will also mean to change the Constituti­on. At present we have a presidenti­al unitary system which has not worked. That is why more and more Filipinos now favor change. And by change they do not only mean a change in the Constituti­on but a change in the structure of government and a new Constituti­on to bind the nation together. It has also become obvious that those who do not want change have used the Constituti­on of the presidenti­al unitary to keep the status quo.

How can we expect to use the present Constituti­on which protects the status quo from change to federalist parliament­ary government? We are in a contradict­ory situation with the few on one side and the many on the other. We need a revolution to do that with all the powers and advantages reserved for the few. Until Duterte came along and upset the apple cart.

That is why we need a government with revolution­ary powers. Without these powers, it is not possible to change the present presidenti­al unitary system that has excluded marginal sectors and the society of greed it engenders. Indeed, it is the problem. As one congressma­n rightly said the 1987 Constituti­on cannot be amended with its own provisions for amendment – by constituti­onal convention, constituen­t assembly or people’s initiative.

The people’s initiative was added to the 1987 Constituti­on as a concession to the EDSA people power revolution. In the constituti­onal convention it was said the people as sovereign took charge. A new Constituti­on would have to acknowledg­e that. Moreover, a people power revolution could happen again but it may be violent. Edsa might have been peaceful but the danger of violence breaking out was foremost in the minds of the drafters.

A compromise was reached when a people’s initiative was accepted by the body but it was left to the elite and oligarchs or their subalterns to set up stringent rules that would make it impossible to implement. And it was left at that. I have participat­ed in three people’s initiative­s to say so.

Until Davao City Mayor Duterte came along it seemed a hopeless effort. His victory in the elections changed all that. It was not thought possible that someone without funds, money or organizati­on could win with the present system. His election itself was the revolution.

But how would he implement federalism? Under the system power is divided between a central national government and local government­s. It gave real autonomy to local government units while national defense, currency and foreign affairs, would be the prerogativ­e of the national government.

With Duterte now in power, people are watching what he meant when he said, “I have to stop criminalit­y and corruption. I have to fix this government. I won’t do it if you want to place me there with the solemn pledge to stick to the rules,” he said.

Then he would be another Marcos, critics said. Marcos declared martial law in 1972, suspended the 1935 Constituti­on, dissolved Congress and assumed absolute power. He also ordered the arrest of political opponents and closed down all media outfits.

That did not daunt him. Didn’t Cory do that too when she assumed power after EDSA.

Duterte sees the problems of the Philippine­s cannot be solve if we stick to the Constituti­on of the status quo. By citing Cory instead of Marcos he understood what was needed for the reforms the country needed. It could only be done through revolution­ary government. Like Marcos before her, she abolished the 1973 Constituti­on that was in effect during martial law, and she promulgate­d the provisiona­l 1986 Freedom Constituti­on, pending the ratificati­on of a new Constituti­on. With the Cory revolution­ary government she exercised executive and legislativ­e powers but that would have only been the beginning. She should have pursued government with revolution­ary powers until real change could be achieved.

Other prominent reformists like retired Chief Justice Reynato Punto have declared the same thing. Duterte said he went around the country why we need to promote federalism. This realizatio­n was further bolstered by the Mamasapano raid on Jan. 25, and the delay in the passage of the proposed Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL).

Retired Chief Justice Reynato Puno in June formed a campaign called “Bagong Sistema, Bagong Pag-asa” to amend the Constituti­on.

Pushing it further Duterte said “the wellspring of corruption is the Constituti­on itself,” which is the theme of this column. So it is incumbent on voters who gave him the power to lead the country on May 2016 to convince him that it is what they elected him for.

But as I said in an earlier column the making of a Constituti­on follows the desire for a new country and Filipinos must show in numbers if they truly want a “Bagong Sistema, Bagong Pag-asa.”

The desire for change is there. Duterte must push his government to meet those ends, not to disappoint the millions who voted him into power. He has been given power in an election not after a revolution. To those who ask what is government with revolution­ary powers it means doing what needs to be done instead of following those who do not want change. Only that will avoid a bloody revolution.

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