Making democracy work

It is true that the immediate cause that forced Marcos to flee the country was the four-day People Power Revolution. But this historic event was the climax of a long series of other revolutionary struggles which I call the Road to EDSA.

On the night of Jan. 22, 1986, when Cardinal Sin asked the people to go to EDSA, I was one of those who immediately went there. While there were just a few thousands of us in EDSA, the response was quick, as most of those who came first were part of organized groups.

There was no social media at that time. However, these organized groups had their own networks and means of quickly reaching each other. But because there was no media support and communication networks were limited, it was not surprising that the groups were small in numbers. However, there were so many of these groups and they were so widespread that together, they could rally thousands on very short notice.

Religious orders, priests, nuns, and brothers were ideal because they lived together and they had the numbers. Furthermore, their networks went beyond their members and included students in Catholic schools, parishioners, and members of Catholic lay organizations. They were used to organizing and were very disciplined. It is no wonder they were at the forefront of the EDSA Revolution.

For example, my own journey to EDSA started in 1978 during the Batasang Pambansa elections. I was then an active member of the Manila Jaycees and we had volunteered to join the Operation Quick Count of the Philippine Jaycees. That was when I first met Butz Aquino who was a Capitol Jaycee. The night before the election, we were at the Quezon City headquarters attending a meeting. A small typewritten note was being circulated that said Ninoy Aquino, who was then in jail, was asking the people to organize a 30-minute noise barrage as a sign of protest.

Around nine in the evening, people started quietly leaving the room. My friend, Ninoy Gutierrez, told me to come with him and find a group we could join. We did not invite anyone else because we were not sure whom to trust. These were the days of martial law. When we went out, it seemed as if the entire metropolis was taking part in the protest. Cars were going around blowing their horns and we joined one caravan. We were confident then that the opposition would win in the next election.

But it was a rude awakening. In one school which was a polling place, the opposition watchers were told to leave. In another school, army soldiers closed the gates during the counting. Only in one school I went to – St. Scholastica’s College – did the counting proceed publicly. The nuns there stood their ground and refused to be intimidated.

That was when I realized that it would take more than one noise barrage or rally to topple the dictatorship. But I learned, from the nuns’ example, that an organized group with the courage to stand its ground could be more effective than any speech. This was, to my mind, the forerunner of NAMFREL, maintaining its position in subsequent elections under the dictatorship.

For the revolution to succeed, there has to be a cause for which the overwhelming majority of the people would be willing to go to jail or even sacrifice their lives for, if necessary. The restoration of democracy and overthrowing of the Marcos dictatorship were such causes.

There also had to be an emotional event and a charismatic leader that would bring together the different revolutionary forces and inspire groups to organize themselves. The assassination of Ninoy Aquino was such an event, and groups were unified under the leadership of his widow, Corazon Aquino.

There also has to be organizations on the ground to serve as a nucleus in any confrontation with the ruling powers, like in a rally. It was, therefore, critical that existing institutions like the Catholic Church and Protestant denominations joined the cause. These institutions have a following that could reach all social classes, including the poor.

The Makati confetti rallies were successful because of the support of the business groups. Business and civic groups were also the primary organizers of NAMFREL. The electoral campaign during the snap election took off because political opposition parties like PDPLABAN and UNIDO were organized. Cause- oriented groups and nongovernment organizations (NGOs) became active mobilizers of rally participants.

The participation of youth groups was essential because they have built-in organizations like student councils and other campus organizations. And in organizing the masses, I discovered that there were organizations in the urban poor areas that could also be tapped.

The EDSA People Power Movement was not just civil disobedience. It was a revolution – a movement for radical change. It achieved its primary goal, which was the restoration of the democratic system to this country.

Now we hear people questioning whether democracy really works. I even heard a nun say on television that she preferred the country to be run by professionals rather than by elected officials. But who will choose the professionals who will run this country?

For those who tell me that they prefer a dictatorship, I always ask them to give me the name of the person that they propose to be the dictator.

Democracy will work. It just requires collective will, leaders who believe in democratic ideals, and the active support of the very same groups that toppled the Marcos dictatorship and made the EDSA People Power Revolution a reality.

Time has a tendency to wash over horrible moments in history. This is why we must never forget. We must constantly reinforce the legacy of EDSA, and keep reminding ourselves that when push comes to shove, we are a people who will fight for freedom and democracy at all costs.

From The Aquino Legacy: An Enduring Narrative by Elfren Sicangco Cruz and Neni Sta. Romana Cruz (Imprint Publishing, 2015).

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