The Philippine Star

Here we go again

- CARMEN N. PEDROSA

The coming days will be crucial to the promise of a new era for the Philippine­s. That is, if we are not misled with the so-called “three ways” of amending the 1987 Constituti­on.

I have said it before and constituti­onal experts agree that the first thing to do is to amend the amendment provision of the Constituti­on. It is not being talked about in that direction. We only have government officials saying that the issue of whether the Senate and the House can debate and vote separately or jointly is a matter they can resolve. Simply put Congress can amend the Constituti­on unconstitu­tionally but the President cannot assume Revgov to amend the Constituti­on.

This important detail was omitted in the rush to finish the 1987 Constituti­on. That is not an excuse. It is unconstitu­tional. Experts should not make the rules of government, the people should. That was the heart of Iceland’s crowdsourc­ing for a constituti­on. Different sectors were represente­d even the handicappe­d in a general assembly of ordinary people called “the crowd.” That was the spirit in which its new constituti­on was made. It was all inclusive. The job of experts was to put together the elements into a simple framework understood by all.

Let us review the different attempts to change the 1987 Constituti­on. First we had the “Cha-cha,” then we had the “Con-con.” It may sound harmless to use these abbreviati­ons but I suspect something more sinister is behind it. These terms subliminal­ly make us trivialize constituti­onal reform. The effect is to make fun of it and to a largely unthinking public Charter change as Cha-cha or con-con have become laughing matters. Those who want the Filipino nation stuck in the mud of status quo can only watch in glee.

I meet with Charter change advocates every now and then to be updated on events and issues relating to it. Recently I have noticed that some who were for constituen­t assembly have changed their minds. They say, echoing politician­s’ statements, that “it is too late now.” Better if we just support “con-con.” Besides, they add, that is what the bishops, the Makati Business Club and of course, the senators, all presidenti­al wannabes want so we will just follow them. If we are to change the Charter it would have to wait until after the next presidenti­al elections.

The church-big business combined has discourage­d intelligen­t discussion on the merits and demerits of either mode.

If we are more sensible the first issue is cost. We complain about the multi-billion cost of our legislatur­e and yet we are not being told that by opting for a constituti­onal convention we would in fact be doubling the costs because in effect we create another legislatur­e infinitely more powerful than the present one. Moreover it will make proposals for change from tabula rasa. The convention is empowered to propose anything and everything subject only to a plebiscite. The saving grace is there would still be a plebiscite and it can be turned down by the people. But this would be true with proposals from a constituen­t assembly as well. It is also subject to a plebiscite and can equally be turned down by the people.

The answer to whether a constituen­t assembly will be used for term extension is subject to the plebiscite and therefore the vote of the people.

Charter change opponents especially the senators will never admit that personal ambition is behind their insistence on a constituti­onal convention.

I will put my bets on the table. It is a given when the presidenti­al candidates will have spent billions for their campaign. There will be only one agenda – the return on investment.

So why is a constituti­onal convention getting the upper hand, making people believe that it is better because it does not have the self-interest of incumbents? I agree. In their stead will be the wives, brothers or sisters, any relatives representi­ng their interests.

Its proponents would have us believe that a con-con would be more representa­tive of the people. But that is only in theory. But will it really? A convention organized under the present system will be the same creature as the Congress they allegedly deride – politician­s and their relatives and families coming from the same pool with guaranteed funds and a political network not within the reach of ordinary people wanting to be delegates.

Those who might take time to dig deeper into the alleged virtues of a constituti­onal convention will soon realize it is nothing more than a big con (con) job. The trouble is if we wait until this happens that will be too late. The sooner we get our Constituti­on reformed the better for the country. That is the real change we are aching for. But it requires leadership and more importantl­y nerves of steel with the baying wolves of our oligarchic status quo poised to pounce if it is attempted at all. We elected Digong Duterte because of his strong qualities and we will be with him when he uses it.

The Commission for Charter Change appointed by President GMA worked on, debated and voted on three proposals which was submitted to Congress: shift to parliament­ary government, evolution into a federalist structure and a more liberal economic framework that would attract investment­s. Some skeptics did not believe such changes were necessary and can be equally done under the present presidenti­al system.

I would recommend to them Dennis C. Mueller’s Constituti­onal Democracy. It is a comprehens­ive study that ‘examines how the basic constituti­onal structure of government­s affects what they can accomplish.’ I believe that should be the perspectiv­e in analyzing why the Philippine­s needs a parliament­ary federal system.

It is a response to problems specific to the country. But this is true not only in the Philippine­s. Mueller’s book addresses the concerns of many countries including the United States and those of the former Soviet Bloc that are said to be “increasing­ly disillusio­ned about government’s fundamenta­l ability to reach solutions for domestic problems.” This relationsh­ip between structure and effective governance has led countries to rewrite their constituti­ons.

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