The Philippine Star

Repeating treasonous 2008 joint exploratio­n

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Manila is again jointly to explore with China the West Philippine Sea. That’s against the Constituti­on, which limits foreign participat­ion in natural resource activities to only financial or technical assistance. But Manila is using anew the excuse of having no money. It is even justifying the wrong by lying that China co-owns the disputed waters anyway.

Proponents of joint exploratio­n are repeating the shame of 2005-2008. Oddly, two of them, now Cabinet members, had denounced such act then as treason. What could be their reason now to sell out?

The 2005-2008 Joint Marine Seismic Understand­ing (JMSU) eroded Philippine sovereignt­y. At that time only the Spratly Islands at the edge of the Philippine 200mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) was “disputed waters.” The Philippine­s, China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan have overlappin­g claims over parts or whole of the archipelag­o. But in the JMSU, Malacañang conceded to China calling the area to be explored as disputed. It consisted of a rectangula­r stretch of undersea, 142,886 square kilometers west of Palawan. It was way beyond China’s own 200-mile EEZ. One-sixth of it was Philippine continenta­l shelf that China did not even claim. Included was the Recto (Reed) Bank, site of the Sampaguita oilfields. By calling it disputed, Manila in effect gave Beijing joint right over it. Notably, China never offered any portion of its own EEZ for joint exploratio­n.

The JMSU benefited only China. Supposedly Manila and Beijing were to map the area for consequent joint use of the resources. Chinese ships and equipment were used to plot the seascape, including potential oilfields. Malacañang plunked in $5 million without congressio­nal appropriat­ion. Yet Manila never got a copy of the research. China withheld it from the Philippine­s on the pretext that the latter failed to participat­e in the JMSU’s three-year extension. Filipinos were had. Again the JMSU violated the Constituti­on. Article XII, National Economy and Patrimony, requires foreign participat­ion in natural resources to redound to “real contributi­ons to the economic growth and general welfare of the country.”

In 2009 Beijing unilateral­ly claimed not just the Spratlys but the entire South China Sea. It filed with the United Nations such entitlemen­t by virtue of historical right. The claim contradict­s the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. That internatio­nal pact recognizes only the 200-mile EEZ and, if existent, a 150-mile extended continenta­l shelf. Suddenly China started harassing Filipino expedition­s in the Recto Bank. Forum Energy, a British-funded exploratio­n in Sampaguita Field, protested. Malacañang ignored it, in effect ceding control to China.

Patriotic Filipinos discovered the JMSU only by chance in 2008. A Singaporea­n think tank exposed it as part of a study on the Spratly row. The study noted that Manila in 2002 had led the ASEAN to make Beijing sign a Declaratio­n of Conduct in the disputed seas. Part of the agreement was to not expand any territoria­l claims or threaten violence. Two years later Manila broke ranks from ASEAN by inking a secret deal with China. Vietnam got wind of it and demanded a part. When the JMSU was formalized the following year, Vietnam lost interest, as the coverage was mostly Palawan waters. So shrouded in secrecy was the JMSU that Malacañang violated the Charter yet a third time. In Article XII the President is supposed to report to Congress any foreign deal in natural resources within 30 days of signing.

Other details emerged. Like, Malacañang was enticed into the JMSU by economic loans of up to $2 billion a year in 2006-2010. Part of it was P329 million for the scandalous national broadband network by China’s ZTE Corp. A Senate inquiry confirmed the exposé in this column: $200 million of that amount was for kickbacks to the Filipino traitors. Other loans were for the uncomplete­d North Rail, South Rail, and an unconstitu­tional grant of gold mining rights in Mount Diwalwal to ZTE Internatio­nal. Whistleblo­wers testi- fied in the Senate of minimum 20-percent kickbacks. At that time China was also lending to crooked Central Asian and African government­s. It didn’t matter that the presidents stole the funds, so long as the government­s repaid and natural resources were assigned to Chinese exploiters.

Today Manila officials claim that joint exploratio­n with China is the only alternativ­e to war. That’s a farce. There are proven legal diplomatic ways. In 2013 patriots had sued China before the UN Permanent Court of Arbitratio­n in The Hague for grabbing Panatag (Scarboroug­h) Shoal the year before. Also questioned was Beijing’s unfounded historical right to the entire South China Sea. Plus three other points: that China worsened the dispute by concreting reefs and shoals into artificial island fortresses, that those fake islands cannot bolster any territoria­l claims, and that Beijing destroyed the environmen­t. Manila won all five points in 2016. The next logical step was to get UN support for the victory. As well, to file for compensati­on for Beijing’s environmen­tal ruin.

But Malacañang shirked. Now it wants joint exploratio­n all over again. What actually is needed is punishment for the traitors, and courage against invaders. What for do we pledge at every official, civic, and school function: “Aming ligaya na ‘pag may nang-aapi, ang mamatay nang dahil sa ‘yo”? * * * Catch Sapol radio show, Saturdays, 8-10 a.m., DWIZ (882-AM). Gotcha archives on Facebook: https:// www.facebook.com/pages/Jarius-Bondoc/1376602159­218459, or The STAR website http://www.philstar.com/author/ Jarius%20Bondoc/GOTCHA

Filipino officials took kickbacks from Chinese loans in exchange for the undersea research.

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