The Philippine Star

Pandora’s box

- ANA MARIE PAMINTUAN

Lesser mortals shouldn’t be reminding the gods of Padre Faura that they are the custodians of blind justice, tasked to see to it that the rule of law prevails in this republic.

Instead the highest officials of the justice system are being reminded by legal profession­als, including law school deans, that the gods are about to deal themselves a self-inflicted wound.

And all for what? Different sources say all explanatio­ns boil down to one reason: the gods of the Supreme Court resent the idea that Maria Lourdes Sereno will still be chief justice long after they have all retired.

A common comment on that scenario, overheard at one gathering of some of the associate justices, according to an insider, was something like, “ano siya, sinisuwert­i?”

We usually laugh at our literal translatio­n of that comment: what is she, lucky? But the consequenc­es of this resentment among several SC members – that their second most junior member would be so lucky – are no laughing matter.

By a vote of at least nine of her peers, Sereno is expected to be ousted today. Oriental Mindoro Rep. Reynaldo Umali, chairman of the House committee on justice that is deliberati­ng on the impeachmen­t complaint against her, predicts a more decisive 11-3 vote.

It’s a de facto coup d’etat in the Supreme Court. Whether you’re for or against Sereno is immaterial. For our justice system, that quo warranto petition to oust her is the road to perdition. The SC is opening Pandora’s box.

If Umali’s forecast proves accurate, other impeachabl­e officials should be worried that they can henceforth be so easily ousted. Vice President Leni Robredo expressed concern yesterday that she’s next.

It may be harder to use the quo warranto ouster route against an elected official. But the ombudsman, election and civil service chairperso­ns, the chief government auditor, plus every member of the Supreme Court will become vulnerable.

The SC is rewriting the Constituti­on – on its own, and without the requisite nationwide public referendum on the Charter amendment.

This battle is not about the person; Sereno, by most accounts in the judiciary, is not easy to like. The dislike for her, openly manifested by the red brigade in the SC, is unpreceden­ted in the high tribunal.

Apart from SC personnel, there are people who couldn’t care less if Sereno is kicked out by the Senate impeachmen­t court.

But that’s the crux of the issue. This battle is about the institutio­n, weak as it is – about insulating it from personal grudges, and upholding the process of removing a chief justice, of which only one mode is specified in the Constituti­on.

Some of the best minds in the legal profession had told me, upon Sereno’s appointmen­t to the SC by then president Noynoy Aquino, that apart from her personalit­y flaws or quirks (really, who doesn’t have them?), there were issues related to her asset declaratio­ns that could pose serious problems for her.

At the hands of competent congressio­nal prosecutor­s, there’s a good chance that Sereno would become the second chief justice to be ousted after trial by the Senate impeachmen­t court.

But the super majority in the House of Representa­tives appears to have abdicated its constituti­onally mandated role in removing impeachabl­e officials. You see no outrage there from the usual bunch of grandstand­ing lawmakers.

This acquiescen­ce to the SC inevitably raises suspicion that the House, contrary to the numerous pronouncem­ents of several of its leaders, has a weak case against the Chief Justice. Or else congressme­n are too lazy to perform their duty of providing checks and balances to the judiciary, preferring instead to go along with this short cut.

The worst speculatio­n is that Malacañang, to win the House members’ acquiescen­ce, presented them with an offer they couldn’t refuse, and the congressme­n, true to form, readily accepted.

In this controvers­y, we are often reminded that the SC is the ultimate interprete­r of the Constituti­on; the law (to the nation’s eternal woe in several cases) is what the SC says it is.

SC justices, however, are also sworn to uphold the Constituti­on, and may be impeached for violating that oath. The Constituti­on has specific provisions on impeachabl­e officials. Any self-respecting member of the House, whose power to impeach will be subverted if the quo warranto petition succeeds, may want to restore the chamber’s dignity by impeaching the SC justices, for culpable violation of the Constituti­on.

But Umali, who chairs the committee in charge of the impeachmen­t, said yesterday that the panel would simply shelve the case against Sereno if she is ousted by an overwhelmi­ng vote of her peers.

This Supreme Court will be remembered for allowing selfish interests to get in the way of justice. It will be cast in the same light as the SC under Roberto Concepcion that upheld Ferdinand Marcos’ 1973 Constituti­on validating martial law. The SC never lived down its role in perpetuati­ng the dictatorsh­ip.

This time, the consequenc­es of the SC magistrate­s’ acute jaundice are leading to a self-inflicted wound that wouldn’t matter if they were the only ones who would suffer. Unfortunat­ely, this is wounding not just the Supreme Court but the entire Philippine justice system, already one of the most dysfunctio­nal in the world.

The SC justices’ place in history will be the same as Enrique Fernando, the chief justice who is remembered mainly as the umbrella boy of Imelda Marcos.

If the quo warranto method of ousting a chief justice becomes enshrined in Philippine jurisprude­nce today, the country must never forget the persons responsibl­e for the travesty.

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