The Philippine Star

The draft federal constituti­on: the case against a long, complex constituti­on

- GERARDO P. SICAT

The draft federal constituti­on for the Philippine­s presented by the Constituti­onal Commission is a long, 82-page document, presented in single-spaced typed text, coming to a total of 30,516 words.

Just for perspectiv­e, the document is 6.7 times longer than the original US Constituti­on that went into effect in 1789 (4,543 words, including the signatures). In the course of more than 200 years of American history, 27 amendments caused this to rise to a total of 7,591 words. The draft Philippine federal document is still four times longer than the amended US Constituti­on.

Another example for comparison is the French Constituti­on of 1958. Its English translatio­n of the French language text contains only 6,953 words!

A complete rewriting. Executive Order No. 10, dated Dec. 7, 2018, created the Constituti­onal Committee (ConCom) of not more than 25 members to “study, conduct consultati­ons and review the provisions of the 1987 Constituti­on, including but not limited to the provisions of the structure and power of the government, local governance, and economic policies.”

In response to this broad mandate, the ConCom, headed by former chief justice Reynato Puno, came up with a comprehens­ive constituti­onal draft. It has been submitted to the Congress for possible adoption.

This draft document deserves our scrutiny, for it will impact our lives and those of the generation­s who follow us. Consequenc­es will include the ways in which our economy could evolve in the future. Each generation of Filipinos needs the flexibilit­y to steer their future course.

It is, therefore, important to discuss the overall format and framework of the proposed constituti­onal document.

Ideally, a constituti­on should be simple, short, and narrow in scope. Its main purpose is to outline the structure and form of government, including defining the main duties of the principal organs of government and of its principal officers and their interrelat­ions.

The preamble of the constituti­on should provide the definition of national aspiration­s of the people. This part is inspiratio­nal and declares the statement of the goals and objectives of nation-building.

Should there be a French connection? Perhaps, we should take a cue from the French Constituti­on. I quote from its preamble:

“The French people solemnly proclaim their attachment to the Rights of Man and the principles of national sovereignt­y as defined by the Declaratio­n of 1789, confirmed and complement­ed by the Preamble to the Constituti­on of 1946.”

In a single provision and instead of a long list of rights, the preamble was able to deal with the bill of rights issue. From that point on, the constituti­on was able to go to the heart of the matter, to define the political structure of the government, describing each of its major branches and specifying their inter-relationsh­ips.

I must note that Article 34 of that constituti­on states that the French parliament has the duty to pass laws that cover almost all matters.

The French Constituti­on prescribe constituti­onal policies mainly on the structure of the government. In general, it stays away from defining restrictio­ns that apply to economic, social, family, educationa­l, civil and criminal matters. All

such issues are matters of ordinary legislatio­n, the duties of the elected parliament­arians.

Why the ConCom draft is massive. ConCom’s draft federal constituti­on is very long because it is full of details and special definition­s outside the essential structure of the government.

First, of course, and as it should, it provides the details for the structure of the proposed federal government. This covers the new provisions on the descriptio­n of the executive, legislativ­e, and judicial branches, describing their operations and interactio­ns.

In addition, it lists the constituti­onal commission­s that are already operating and are provided by existing laws.

Also, the draft federal constituti­on contains a long list of state policies amounting to 28 sections that amount to instructio­ns. This is accompanie­d by a section on the bill of rights of citizens which goes beyond political rights. There are social and economic rights (and some enumeratio­n of what this meant in terms of right to food, health, education, and employment).

In addition, it covers a restatemen­t of the policies pertaining to the economy and national patrimony. It has a long section on social justice. It gives special directives on the nature of policies for science, technology, sports, and culture and the arts. Further, there is a section on the family.

In many parts, the draft constituti­on is enunciatin­g basic new state policies. It is as if it is legislatin­g almost for all time since the provisions of the constituti­on can only be amended at a very high bar for approval.

In this manner, the constituti­onal drafters, instead of facilitati­ng the future making of laws by the people’s duly elected parliament, are arrogating unto themselves the preparatio­n of instructio­ns on how the laws of the nation on a lot of matters are to be defined. In short, they are defining provisions to follow their judgment of the moment about the content of fundamenta­l law! This was the original sin of the 1935 Constituti­on – that all framers of future Philippine constituti­on makers continue to follow, especially this one with its much longer list of nonpolitic­al legislatio­ns.

An important consequenc­e of those specific provisions was the unexpected and adverse outcome of some of the restrictio­ns on the succeeding generation­s of Filipinos after independen­ce.

(Among many developing countries, the Philippine­s has difficulty in attracting foreign capital to participat­e in helping us build a progressiv­e national economy – because the restrictiv­e economic provisions and their later variants have hovered in the background since 1935!) Lengths of previous Philippine constituti­ons compared. The text of the 1935 Constituti­on (drafted by the Constituti­onal Convention chaired by Claro M. Recto) was 8,483 words in length.

The 1973 Constituti­on (framed by the Constituti­onal Convention chaired by Diosdado Macapagal), which recommende­d a shift to a parliament­ary government, was written in 12,875 words.

The 1987 Constituti­on (Corazon Aquino’s People Power Constituti­on), prepared by a constituti­onal committee, was in all 21,659 words.

The ConCom draft federal constituti­on of 2018 as presented is 3.6 times longer than the 1935 Constituti­on; 2.4 times than the 1973 Constituti­on; and 1.4 times longer than the 1987 Constituti­on.

In a sense, it is a copy of each of the previous constituti­ons, only more interventi­onist on a lot of matters.

My email is: gpsicat@gmail.com. Visit this site for more informatio­n, feedback and commentary: http://econ.upd.edu.ph/gpsicat/

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