The Philippine Star

What crowdsourc­ing a Constituti­on means

- CARMEN N. PEDROSA

Once again, the Senate has announced “it will not be able to immediatel­y act” on a House resolution seeking to shift our government to a presidenti­al federal system.

For those of us who have been in the forefront of constituti­onal change (parliament­ary federal for me) this was expected. Senators become millionair­es as members of this legislativ­e chamber. Why should they change it? They will keep it for as long as the people at large accept their excuses to block it.” Lack of time is a favorite excuse.

Until we view it as a political conflict between the people at large and the privilege few we will never change the system. It is only a strong leader who will have the courage to step in and say “enough is enough” will get it done. We voted Duterte to do that.

We did it the other way around and appointed experts to make a draft for a referendum. It is the old way of doing things.

In my personal opinion “crowdsourc­ing a constituti­on” is a political principle and exercise more than it is about coming up quickly with a new draft of a written constituti­on. The political principle for crowdsourc­ing a constituti­on is to bring in the people to have a say instead of relying on a few experts.

Language is equally important as content. The panel of experts must agree to use the simple language of the crowd rather than legalese that only lawyers understand.

As Hélène Landemore of Yale University asks in her article“We the People”: “Who should write the constituti­on of a democratic country and, indeed, any country?

“The answer seems obvious: its people. Yet the constituti­ons of existing states, including democratic ones, have usually been written by small, rather unrepresen­tative subsets of individual­s.

“Iceland’s recent experiment in redrafting its constituti­on has challenged the assumption­s that a constituti­onal process needs to be exclusive and opaque. In 2013 the country came close to passing into law the world’s most inclusivel­y and transparen­tly written constituti­onal text.

This experiment – sometimes dubbed the “crowdsourc­ed constituti­on” – should prove inspiratio­nal for people around the globe intent on writing, or re-writing, their own social contract.

The Icelandic constituti­onal process included three original features. The first one was a so-called National Forum – an upstream consultati­on of a demographi­cally representa­tive mini public of 950 quasi-randomly sampled citizens. These citizens were gathered in a one-day meeting and asked to list the principles and values they would like to see embedded in the Icelandic constituti­on. They listed, among others, human rights, democracy, transparen­cy, equal access to health care and education, a more strongly regulated financial sector, and public ownership of Icelandic natural resources.

The second unusual feature was an assembly of constituti­on drafters selected from a pool of 522 citizens that purposely excluded profession­al politician­s (the latter having been discredite­d in the eyes of the public during the 2008 financial crisis). The resulting council was characteri­zed by relative gender balance – including 10 women and 15 men – and diverse profession­s beyond the usual doctors and lawyers, including a farmer, a pastor, an art museum director, a radio presenter, a trade union chairman, a consumer spokespers­on, a student, and a filmmaker. The presence of Freyja Haraldsdót­tir, a human rights activist affected by glass-bone disease, strikingly illustrate­d that popular sovereignt­y need not be represente­d only by able-bodied, middle-aged men in suits and ties.

The third unusual feature was the decision by these 25 constituti­onal drafters to use social media to open up the process to the rest of the citizenry and gather feedback on 12 successive drafts. Anyone interested in the process was able to comment on the text using social media like Facebook and Twitter, or using regular email and mail. In total, the crowdsourc­ing moment generated about 3,600 comments for a total of 360 suggestion­s. While the crowd did not ultimately “write” the constituti­on, it contribute­d valuable input. Among them was the Facebook proposal to entrench a constituti­onal right to the Internet, which resulted in Article 14 of the final proposal.

Iceland used technology of the 21st century to include the people of a nation to craft their own constituti­on through an open and inclusive crowd-sourcing process. Yet astonishin­gly, that constituti­on remains unenforced.

As everyone in [Iceland] knows, after the financial disasters of 2008, the citizens of Iceland began a process to claim back their own sovereignt­y. Building on the values identified by 1,000 randomly selected citizens, Icelanders launched a process to crowdsourc­e a new constituti­on. That initiative was then ratified when the Parliament establishe­d a procedure for selecting delegates to a drafting commission. More than 500 citizens ran to serve on that 25 person commission. Over four months, the commission­ers met to draft a constituti­on, with their work made available for public comment throughout the process. More than 3600 comments were offered by the public, leading to scores of modificati­ons. The final draft, adopted unanimousl­y, was then sent to the parliament and to the people. More than 2/3ds of voters endorsed the document in a non-binding referendum as the basis of a new constituti­on.

Never in the history of constituti­onalism has anything like this ever been done. If democracy is rule by the people – if the sovereignt­y of a democratic nation is ultimately the people – then this process and the constituti­on it produced is as authentic and binding as any in the world. Yet the parliament of Iceland has refused to allow this constituti­on to go into effect. And the question that anyone in the movements for democracy across the world must ask is just this: By what right?’

“When the people have acted as they have in Iceland – crafting a constituti­on in the most inclusive and reflective way that has ever, in the history of constituti­onalism, happened, and then endorsed that work by a popular vote, by what moral authority does the Parliament now say no? No doubt, there are parts of the constituti­on that some don’t like. But democracy is not a promise of perfection. And no constituti­on in the history of the world has ever been loved by everyone it affected – just ask the million African slaves whose freedom was made unconstitu­tional through 1808 by America’s popularly ratified constituti­on.

The question for Iceland was as it is now for the Philippine­s is who is sovereign?

As notions of sovereignt­y have evolved across time – from god, to a king, to an elite, and finally, to the people – the people of the world look to each other for inspiratio­n. The work of Iceland’s people in crowdsourc­ing a constituti­on has inspired millions. The resistance of Iceland’s parliament has puzzled many more. Thomas Jefferson, drafting America’s Declaratio­n of Independen­ce, spoke of the people’s “unalienabl­e right to alter or abolish” a constituti­on. In 2016, we should finally amend his words to make the point even clearer: It is the inalienabl­e right of a people to alter, or abolish, or establish a Constituti­on.

We now have two constituti­onal drafts before us, one made by an appointed commission headed by former Chief Justice Reynato Puno and another by a group called PUBLiCUS Asia, Inc. and Tanggulang Demokrasya (Tan Dem), Inc. that claims their version is crowd sourced. And worse with a Senate refusing to act on it.

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