The Philippine Star

Frenemies

- ALEX MAGNO

Critics of President Duterte’s China policy ask him to copy Vietnam, probably imagining that country is constantly screeching and whining and confrontin­g the regional superpower.

It is true that Vietnam and China have come to blows several times in the past, first when Beijing sent an expedition­ary force across the border to “punish” her tough Indochines­e neighbor and then when Hanoi sent in commandos to eject a Chinese garrison from one of the Paracel islands Vietnam claims.

But over the past several years, Vietnam has pursued a more tempered, more nuanced and more pragmatic approach toward her powerful northern neighbor. Call it anger management. Or credit the Vietnamese with the sophistica­tion of recognizin­g China as a “frenemy” – both friend and enemy.

Some Filipinos normally assume that the US will have our backs if we maintain a confrontat­ional stance toward the Asian superpower. They think we can do careless diplomacy and then invoke the Mutual Defense Treaty to bring the Americans into the fray should a skirmish break out. President Duterte recently mocked that sort of attitude when, last month, with a great deal of sarcasm, he dared the US to fire the first shot in the Spratlys.

They will not do that, of course. Washington has been very careful in avoiding recognizin­g Philippine sovereignt­y over the contested South China Sea reefs and rocks. The Mutual Defense Treaty covers only the core territory of the Philippine­s. It does not even include the “exclusive economic zone” we claim under the terms of the UN Convention on the Laws of the Sea (UNCLOS). The US is not a signatory to the UNCLOS.

Vietnam, for her part, does not have a mutual defense treaty to bank on. Because of that, she has had to make her strategic calculatio­ns sharply and well.

While unremittin­g in her South China Sea claims, Vietnam has been very calculatin­g in her bilateral relationsh­ip with China.

In 2017, Vietnam and its oil company PetroVietn­am granted Spanish oil company Repsol the right to explore for oil and drill test wells in a block within territory in the Spratlys that she claims. Beijing warned Vietnam it would attack her bases in the Spratlys if the drilling continued. Hanoi promptly stopped the commercial exploratio­n.

In March 2018, Hanoi again attempted to conduct test drilling. Beijing issued the same warning. The oil project was scrapped. Hanoi chose to bide its time.

Last week, another confrontat­ion broke out between Hanoi and Beijing over the marine survey conducted by the Chinese ship Haiyang Dizhi 8. China’s foreign ministry issued a statement that read: “China resolutely safeguards its sovereignt­y and maritime rights, and at the same time uphold controllin­g disputes with relevant countries via negotiatio­ns and consultati­on” (emphasis mine). The Vietnamese foreign ministry promptly retorted: “Without Vietnam’s permission, all actions undertaken for foreign parties in Vietnamese waters have no legal effect…”

Those two apparently hostile statements, read carefully, actually open the door to negotiatio­ns down the road. Both parties are, after all, pragmatic players and will work out suitable solutions down the road guaranteei­ng everyone’s satisfacti­on.

Vietnam and China are the best of “frenemies.” China is the top source of investment­s in Vietnam. These investment­s drive one of the most spectacula­r growth stories in the region.

This partnershi­p will continue to prosper in the coming years, given economic realities. Each side will continue with “negotiatio­ns and consultati­on” as they move forward with their tight economic embrace.

Chinese President Xi Jinping assured his country’s economic partners late last year that China will continue to “lower tariffs, broaden market access and import more” to the tune of $30 trillion worth of goods and $10 trillion worth of services over the next 15 years. He likewise reaffirmed his country’s policy of achieving trade balance with China’s closest trading partners.

That should be music to Vietnamese ears – and to ours, too.

During a recent meeting between Duterte and Xi, the Filipino president revealed that the Chinese leader expressed openness to joint oil exploratio­n and developmen­t off Reed Bank. Xi was amenable to a 60-40 sharing in favor of the Philippine­s. That is certainly better than the 10-90 sharing in favor of Shell and Texaco for the Malampaya yield.

Hanoi will surely be paying very close attention to this possibilit­y – and the benefit all claimant countries might win from cooperatio­n. They might soon be able to return to their oil exploratio­n on the basis of consultati­on and negotiatio­ns with their greatest “frenemy.”

Pragmatism instead of shrill posturing is more productive in the long run.

Meralco’s communicat­ions and public relations effort was again recognized as one of the best in Asia. The PR Asia Awards 2019 recognized Meralco’s effort The Best In-House PR Team. This is the third time the power distributo­r’s effort was given this award. Meralco is a sister-company of this paper. The distributi­on utility’s advocacy-driven communicat­ions effort helped build an informed customer base and delivered the company’s narrative to a larger public. Among the most noteworthy of company’s communicat­ions programs is the Meralco Advisory, a monthly infomercia­l that shared movements in power rates along with helpful customer tips for more efficient power use.

Meralco’s team maintained continuous customer service communicat­ions, broadcast corporate social responsibi­lity programs involving household and school electrific­ation, provided the wider public energy education, instilled disaster preparedne­ss, supported relief operations and conducted power supply advocacy. In this way, the customers felt they were in constant touch with their power distributo­r.

Meralco’s public diplomacy sets the standard for other companies.

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