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Afghanista­n’s neighbors in the firing line as US withdraws

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The US military last week handed control of the vast Bagram Air Base to the Afghan government. US troops and their NATO allies are now on track to leave Afghanista­n by mid-July, well ahead of US President Joe Biden’s Sept. 11 withdrawal deadline. According to a new analysis by researcher­s at Brown University, America’s two-decade war in Afghanista­n cost it nearly $2.3 trillion. Now, Afghanista­n’s regional neighbors — Pakistan, Iran, China, India and the Central Asian countries — are wondering just how much it will cost them to maintain security after the US is gone.

In late June, the US intelligen­ce community concluded that the Afghan government could collapse within six months of the US withdrawal — a stark downward revision of its earlier, more optimistic assessment. As the Taliban has swept through northern Afghanista­n, capturing dozens of districts and major cities, Afghan security forces have often surrendere­d without a fight. According to a June report from the UN Afghanista­n Sanctions Monitoring Team, the Taliban now exercises direct control over more than half of the country’s regional administra­tive centers, and controls up to 70 percent of the territory outside urban areas.

The tremors from these Taliban victories are already being felt across the region. Fierce fighting has taken place a mere four hours from Tajikistan’s capital, Dushanbe. On June 20, Taliban militants operating in northern Afghanista­n surrounded government forces in Kunduz, the country’s sixthlarge­st city (population 300,000). Then, on June 22, the Taliban captured the AfghanTaji­k border outpost of Sher Khan Bandar without a fight.

Meanwhile, Tajikistan’s border service reported that 134 Afghan servicemen had received asylum at the crossing. Another 53 Afghan border troops and local militiamen retreated from a Taliban onslaught in Afghanista­n’s Shortepa district by crossing into Uzbekistan. And, on Monday, more than 1,000 Afghan soldiers reportedly fled across the border from Badakhshan province into Tajikistan.

A complete Taliban takeover of the Amu Darya and Panj rivers dividing Afghanista­n from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan will likely occur within weeks. Since this outcome would allow the Taliban to control Afghanista­n’s internatio­nal borders along this front, the risk of large refugee flows from Afghanista­n into Central Asia, and then on to Russia and Europe, has sharply increased.

After clandestin­ely supporting the Taliban as a means to undermine the US war effort, Russia now fears broader destabiliz­ation in Central Asia and beyond. In response to recent developmen­ts in Afghanista­n, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said: “By the end of this year, the command of the Central Military District will have to re-equip two aviation regiments with modernized Su-34M fighter-bombers and MiG-31BM fighter-intercepto­rs.” These reinforcem­ents of Russian airpower in the region “will significan­tly increase the district’s capabiliti­es to engage the enemy with fire and combat cruise missiles in the Central Asian strategic direction.”

Similarly, after having made nice with the Taliban, China also now fears the greater regional instabilit­y that the US withdrawal may incite. In addition to disrupting Chinese President Xi Jinping’s Eurasia-spanning Belt and Road Initiative, a revitalize­d Taliban could re-energize the extremist threat in China’s western Xinjiang province.

The prospect that Afghanista­n will become a source of deepening poverty, mass migration and instabilit­y is quickly becoming everyone’s problem. But it is Central Asian government­s that will be on the front lines. Still, many regional officials remain surprising­ly optimistic. Following a recent visit to the US to discuss Afghanista­n and regional security, Uzbek Foreign Minister Abdulaziz

Kamilov gave an extensive interview in which he argued that only Afghans, including the Taliban, can resolve Afghanista­n’s problems.

He said: “We have some optimism because the situation has changed. First, the two sides began direct contact for the first time in 40 years. The Taliban also want direct negotiatio­ns to reach a peaceful agreement.” While stressing that he is no defender of the Taliban, Kamilov pointed to an official publicatio­n on the group’s website, in which it claims to want to build an independen­t, sovereign Islamic Emirate of Afghanista­n without any outside interferen­ce. In this new country, the rights of women, girls and minorities would supposedly be guaranteed.

It is hard to believe that a seasoned diplomat like Kamilov would fall for such honeyed words. Yet, in also arguing that Afghanista­n should be more deeply integrated into the Central Asian economy, he is on sound strategic footing. Even the Taliban would be attracted to the idea of a renewed “Greater Central Asia” that could recreate some of the economic dynamism of the glory years of the Great Silk Road (1100-1600 AD).

With China determined to deepen its trade, investment and infrastruc­ture ties across Eurasia, this vision has a chance of becoming reality. First, however, peace must prevail, above all within Afghanista­n.

 ?? DJOOMART OTORBAEV ?? Djoomart Otorbaev is a former prime minister of Kyrgyzstan.
©Project Syndicate
DJOOMART OTORBAEV Djoomart Otorbaev is a former prime minister of Kyrgyzstan. ©Project Syndicate

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