Murderous link between money and politics
LAST week, Thulasizwe Simelane, a senior political reporter at the SABC, presented a report on the disturbing trend of the murder of members of political parties in provinces such as North West, Mpumalanga and KwaZulu-Natal.
His report broke my heart because it brought home the human element and the effect the killings have on families. Simelane interviewed the wife of Bomba Ntshangase, a regular caller on SABC talk shows and an Mpumalanga member of the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party, who spoke out against corruption in his municipality. Ntshangase was murdered in 2010 and many believe his killing was a political hit. His wife, who was in tears throughout the interview, spoke of how difficult it has been for her and her children since the day Ntshangase was gunned down by murderers, who are still at large.
The part of the interview that broke my heart is when she told Simelane that there was no food in her house. Until evidence to the contrary is adduced, she and her children are victims of a political murder.
And until the murderers are apprehended and convicted, this, in the minds of many, is but one more story about the murderous link between politics and money. The sad thing about South African politics is the fact that the number of such stories is on the increase. This is why the tripartite alliance in KwaZulu-Natal has called for a high-level investigation into what it calls political killings.
The alliance partners in KwaZulu-Natal are responding to a rise in the number of political figures who have been killed in the province. It is alarming that more than 20 members of the National Freedom Party have been murdered in the province since the party was formed just before last year’s local government elections. But what has alarmed the alliance partners is the increase in the number of ANC members killed under suspicious circumstances.
As shocking as the rise in what appears to be political killings is, we must not rule out the possibility that some of the killings are not politically motivated, nor must we preclude the possibility that some of those that are politically motivated can be explained in terms of factors other than a direct link to corruption. This means we must ask certain questions about our political culture.
Is ours, for instance, a political culture that nurtures and promotes difference? While difference may not always result in a political funeral, are we satisfied that public spaces for deliberation, such as academia, the media and civil society are safe spaces for those who differ?
In other words, do we encourage citizens to speak truth to all forms of power, or only to those manifestations of power that do not coincide with our ways of seeing and narrow interests?
In short, if we speak truth to power and do so selectively, we are contributing, albeit indirectly, to a culture of intolerance that makes it possible for some to murder to defend corruption, a political view, as well as political and leadership preferences.
If many or most of the killings are politically motivated, we must ask ourselves whether we have not, in some way, contributed to the broader climate of intolerance that has made them possible.
Does it matter whether a dissenting view is murdered with words, the pen or a gun?
To the extent that our political culture is at stake, it doesn’t. To the extent that the loved ones of those who are murdered are robbed of a parent, spouse, sibling or friend, there is a huge difference between the pen and the gun.
It is for this reason that we must support the call of alliance structures in KwaZulu-Natal for the setting up of a task team to investigate the killings, irrespective of our political orientation.
Solving these crimes must start with high levels of political and bureaucratic will.
If senior politicians and police management do not show enough commitment, we run the real risk of political murders becoming an entrenched part of our political culture.