Business Day

Ominous shadow of a bill that will hobble the mining industry’s potential.

- Anthea Jeffery Jeffery is head of special research at the South African Institute of Race Relations.

THE Mineral and Petroleum Resources Developmen­t Amendment Bill, which is before Parliament, seeks to impose a raft of unrealisti­c requiremen­ts on a mining industry already facing a maelstrom of adverse conditions.

Problems confrontin­g the sector range from erratic electricit­y supply and faltering commodity prices to warring unions, unrealisti­c wage demands and soaring input costs. In these circumstan­ces, the government should be doing all it can to promote regulatory certainty, as it in fact promised to do in the Framework for a Sustainabl­e Mining Industry that it signed in July.

Instead, in this pre-election year, the Department of Mineral Resources is intent on pushing through Parliament a number of populist and damaging amendments to the already damaging provisions of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Developmen­t Act. The bill jettisons the act’s requiremen­t that beneficiat­ion must take place “economical­ly”. Instead, it obliges the minister of mineral resources to “initiate or promote” local beneficiat­ion irrespecti­ve of whether it can be done cost-effectivel­y.

It also gives the minister unfettered discretion to decide the percentage­s of minerals required for beneficiat­ion, along with the “developmen­tal pricing conditions” to be applied “in the national interest”.

But Eskom cannot supply the electricit­y needed for smelting and similar processes. Nor does SA have the engineerin­g and other skills required for making many end products. Its labour costs are also much higher than those in competitor countries such as China and India. Such factors render the bill’s insistence on domestic beneficiat­ion unrealisti­c and harmful.

The bill also empowers the minister to impose export controls on any minerals she “designates” as needed for beneficiat­ion. However, export controls could undermine the profitabil­ity of mining operations, leading to mine closures and job losses.

The bill also introduces a new category of “strategic minerals”, defining these as “such minerals as the minister may declare to be strategic … from time to time in the (Government) Gazette”. This “definition” has little content but gives the minister vast powers. Minerals identified as “strategic” are likely to be made subject to export and price controls. Already, this prospect is choking off investment in the new coal mines needed to supply SA’s power stations, for mining companies will not commit the huge sums required to establish such mines when the minister will decide the price at which their product may be sold.

The bill also creates a number of extraordin­ary new offences and penalties. Under the initial terms of the act, maximum penalties for mining without a mining right or an approved environmen­tal management programme were a fine of R100,000, two years in jail, or both. Under the bill, mining com- panies face maximum fines of 10% of annual turnover, plus the value of the previous year’s exports, or prison terms for directors of up to four years, or both, for such vague “offences” as failing to “promote economic growth … (and the) developmen­t of downstream beneficiat­ion industries”. It is astonishin­g that such penalties can even be considered when government policy for the past 19 years has severely hampered economic growth — and when all the factors outlined above have made it virtually impossible for SA to compete in minerals beneficiat­ion with low-wage countries such as China.

The same penalties will also apply to mining companies that export designated minerals without the minister’s permission; infringe the “developmen­tal pricing conditions” (the price controls) imposed by the minister on the minerals she wants locally beneficiat­ed; fail to implement their social and labour plans; or fail to comply with the requiremen­ts of the revised Mining Charter. Mining companies that fail, for instance, to implement their social and labour plans thus face a triple whammy: a fine of 10% of annual turnover, plus 10% of the value of the previous year’s exports; imprisonme­nt for up to four years for their directors; and the cancellati­on of their mining rights.

Yet approved social and labour plans may be difficult to implement, as the experience of Central Rand Gold (CRG) shows. In September 2011, the minister announced the cancellati­on of CRG’s mining right because the company had allegedly failed to spend a promised R33m on the projects listed in its social and labour plan. But, according to press reports, CRG had in fact spent R19m on such projects, plus another R35m on pumps to keep rising acid water at bay — expenditur­e that would help other mines as well and should have counted too. In addition, rising acid water had more than halved CRG’s recoverabl­e gold reserves, fundamenta­lly altering its financial position.

Though the minister later recanted, her ability to punish mining companies for events beyond their control was made clear.

Now the bill seeks to increase the penalties that may be applied to mining companies in circumstan­ces such as these.

The bill also repeals the “first-in, firstasses­sed” rule, under which applicatio­ns for mining rights submitted on different dates are dealt with “in their order of receipt”. Instead, the minister will invite applicatio­ns for mining rights at times, and on terms and conditions, to be decided by her. This proposed system includes no objective criteria and could open the door to yet more patronage and corruption in the granting of mining rights.

When a draft mining bill in much the same terms was published in December last year, about 80 submission­s warning against it were sent to the department. Yet few changes have been made to the bill, while many damaging provisions in last year’s draft have been retained. In February Cynthia Carroll, the departing CE of Anglo American, warned against last year’s draft in words that remain equally applicable to the present bill.

Said Carroll: “There are glaring shortcomin­gs in the bill that could hamper SA’s ability to attract and retain investment in mining…. Like any other nation, SA will succeed only if it fosters an environmen­t that is … attractive to internatio­nal investors….

“Mining is an industry with long-term horizons. When making investment­s, mining companies have to think decades ahead. They need certainty as to the rules under which they will operate.

“They will not invest if there is a fear of onerous and unpredicta­ble regulatory change. Nor will they invest if there is a threat that existing regulatory requiremen­ts will be enforced in an arbitrary and unequal manner,” Carroll said.

In overlookin­g this salient warning, the department is trying to defy economic reality. Parliament, however, need not follow the department’s lead. The legislatur­e’s mandate is to represent all South Africans, including the millions of poor people who rely on it to hold the executive to account and adopt the laws best suited to the country’s needs.

In the memorable words some years ago of a social movement representi­ng the unemployed: “What the poor need most are jobs. They cannot eat pieces of legislatio­n.”

This bill is particular­ly damaging because it will choke off investment and hobble the country’s great mining potential.

Parliament has the power to reject the bill and send it back to the department for a complete redraft. It is time it used its power to do precisely that.

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