Truth the victim in Chapman’s war
DEAR SIR — I saw an astonishing headline in Business Day last week: “Is Chapman’s Peak the DA’s own Nkandla?” (Simon Mantell, September 20). At first I thought there was some mistake. A R260m luxury complex built secretly with taxpayer money for one man, versus a public-private partnership established under intense scrutiny by the public, media and the courts, that preserves a key South African tourism and heritage site at no ultimate cost to the taxpayer?
Surely no one in their right mind could confuse the two. Surely this was grasping at Democratic Alliance (DA) motes by an African National Congress (ANC) blinded by pine thickets in each eye? I read on, and quickly realised that, once again, truth has been the first casualty in the Chappies war. Let’s recap the facts: Chapman’s Peak was closed in 2000 after the preceding 12 years saw 13 deaths and several serious injuries caused by mudslides and rockfalls.
The turning point was the 1994 storm that trapped a dozen motorists. Disaster was averted by the bravery of the individuals who rescued Noel Graham, paralysed and buried by a mudslide, then trekked to Noordhoek for help under a shower of rocks. In 1999, Lara Callige was killed and her sister seriously injured by a boulder, and Noel Graham won a multimillion-rand damages lawsuit.
The ANC provincial government decided to close and rehabilitate Chappies, and then to toll it to pay for its maintenance. The consortium that would become Entilini was contracted via a competitive bidding process. There was no requirement for a separate tender for the toll plaza, as suggested by Mr Mantell, who omits the following key facts:
Two environmental impact assessments happened, including public participation.
The DA provincial government negotiated away the notorious requirement that the province pay Entilini for lost toll fees when the pass is closed, following a review of the contract which found the province had been paying millions in toll fees when the pass was closed.
There were two unsuccessful actions in open court against the toll plaza.
The DA government ensured that all documents were available online, including pricing, contracts, traffic volumes and building plans.
The public funds involved in the R53.6m plaza amount to R26m, and are to be recovered from tolls.
I don’t know why Mr Mantell omits such basic facts in his effort to com- pare Chappies to Nkandla, but extensive public participation, a DA government winning important concessions on behalf of the taxpayer, facts laid bare in open court and publication of all documents online, just don’t fit the narrative of backroom deals and shadowy cover-ups.
Attacks on the toll plaza seem to ignore any facts that don’t fit the thesis: for example, since the solution that critics assert is so overpriced and unnecessary has been in place, no one has died or been injured by rockfalls and mudslides on Chapman’s Peak. No tourist bus has been crushed.
No crippling lawsuits. No damage to tourism. Instead, millions have enjoyed Chappies safely, paid for by motorists, not taxpayers.
Final thought: the province paid R26m into the R53.6m toll plaza, which is to be recovered from tolling fees. That means Entilini paid R27.6m. Why would the builders collude to raise the price when they are paying more than half upfront and have to pay back the rest?
Companies involved in tender collusion must feel the pain of their decisions, no matter who made them, or how big or important those companies are. But creating collusion windmills to tilt at in the service of other agendas doesn’t help in any way.