Zuma has always thrust sins in arms of collective

President Jacob Zuma has had no qualms about invoking the ANC principle of the collective leadership bearing collective responsibility for the multiple crises in which he has plunged the party.

The ANC in Gauteng was even castigated for calling on him “to do the right thing” when the Nkandla debacle dragged on and threatened the party’s prospects in the local government elections.

Nkandla was a scandal of his own making, but Zuma had no problem hiding behind the collective.

Parliament was turned into a theatre of multiple, ill-advised spectacles that demonstrated how the ANC collective exercises collective responsibility. If anything, the president ought to be commended for his consistency in showing that he only cares about himself and will use whatever means necessary to serve his interests.

This behavioural pattern was there in the build-up to him becoming party and state president. Nothing has changed since Zuma took over.

When he did the unthinkable in December 2015 by removing Nhlanhla Nene as finance minister and then quickly gave in to pressure by backtracking on his anointed candidate, many of his detractors mistook this for weakness.

It was billed as the moment of reckoning for the president. Time has shown this reading of the situation was incorrect.

The fact that the country was due to go to local government polls in 2016 necessitated the swiftness with which little-known Des van Rooyen had to vacate the Treasury. The ANC, including the president, could ill-afford to grapple with a self-made crisis during an election year.

No one spoke out against the surprise, inexplicable move to axe Nene and we are none the wiser today than we were in those four fateful days in December.

It was business as usual within the party. However, the next scheduled election is only in two years, by which time the governing party would have chosen new leadership. So, there is no immediate threat to the ANC’s electoral dominance on the horizon — it remains the majority party in Parliament and governs most of the country’s municipalities. It remains plugged into the state machinery and commands its resources, which are at the heart of the turmoil within the party.

In the absence of an immediate incentive, what other stick can the ANC use to bring the president in line? The crisis gripping the party is not one of principle or even a battle over which ideas hold sway: it is a fight for the spoils that come with being in power. It is a zero-sum game that has spilled into the public domain and government and there is no clear end in sight.

Zuma rose to power by perfecting the victim act. But that has fallen by the wayside and given way to villain mode, whose full brunt has been brought to bear in key state institutions.

When the Constitutional Court pronounced on Nkandla, the collective stood at the ready to protect him. The collective also shielded him when he fired Nene.

THE CRISIS GRIPPING THE PARTY IS NOT ONE OF PRINCIPLE OR EVEN A BATTLE OVER WHICH IDEAS HOLD SWAY

There were murmurs of a cabinet walkout when word got out that Zuma was readying to wield the axe among the executive this time. Some within the movement even maintained that the president would not make such a reckless move at a crucial time for the country. So much work had been put into restoring relations between the government, business and labour. The country had weathered a tough 2016 and was looking forward to a moderate recovery in 2017.

But in typical Zuma fashion, he has thrown down the gauntlet and made a move.

So, when will the collective leadership collect on the dues owed to it by Zuma, seeing that he is part of it?