Business Day

Suppliers at a huge disadvanta­ge when dealing with supermarke­ts

Big four food retailers control most of the market and determine who is able to enter the product supply chain

- Marlese von Broembsen Von Broembsen is a visiting researcher with the Institute for Global Law and Policy at Harvard Law School and previously taught in the law faculty at the University of Cape Town.

For the past two months, the Competitio­n Commission has been investigat­ing the retail grocery industry. The big four supermarke­ts — Pick n Pay, Shoprite Checkers, Woolworths and Spar — control almost the entire grocery retail market. The investigat­ion focused on the effect of this monopoly on smaller retailers. But there are other casualties too: their small and medium-sized suppliers.

Over the past 15 years, the big four’s total market share of food retail has increased from about 60% to more than 90%. It is unclear whether this monopoly benefits consumers, but one thing is clear: black- and white-owned small suppliers are subjected to egregious contractua­l terms, which has implicatio­ns for their survival, for entrants to the sector and for job creation. A survey and in-depth interviews with 26 small and medium-sized suppliers shows that unless suppliers have a strong independen­t brand, they are simply competing with other suppliers for shelf space and are dispensabl­e. As one put it: “If you take issue with a buyer you get blackliste­d [your product will be no longer be stocked], so you need to remain grateful for whatever shelf space you can get. They know it and you know it.”

The National Developmen­t Plan estimates that 90% of SA’s semiskille­d and unskilled jobs are likely to be created by small and medium-sized enterprise­s (SMEs).

But a study on SMEs in the fine-food supply sector illustrate­s the negative implicatio­ns of the four supermarke­ts’ monopoly of food retail for SMEs and for job creation.

The study was done for the Research Project on Employment, Inclusive Growth and Income Distributi­on, an independen­t national research project initiated and supported by the Treasury and based at the University of Cape Town. The aim of the project is to provide policy makers with empirical evidence to combat unemployme­nt, poverty and inequality.

The suppliers interviewe­d were black- and white-owned and most had started producing from a kitchen or garage. Their turnover ranged between R800,000 and R30m and most supplied more than one supermarke­t — 23 supplied Pick n Pay, 21 supplied Spar; 15 supplied Shoprite-Checkers and eight supplied Woolworths. On average, they manufactur­ed 48 product lines and employed 34 unskilled people and five skilled. We found significan­t positive correlatio­n between turnover and the number of jobs created.

Suppliers noted that Spar’s franchise model was an important entry point to test the market. Store owners can contract directly with their SME suppliers, suppliers can produce just enough for one store and deliver goods directly to it rather than waiting for hours behind the big trucks delivering to Pick n Pay. But Spar has a small market share and business growth necessitat­es supplying other supermarke­ts too.

Shoprite Checkers’ market for high-value products has a ceiling and most Woolworths products are “private label” (sold under the Woolworths brand). Supplying Pick n Pay is therefore critical to the growth of emerging small suppliers.

Typically, the supermarke­t and the supplier agree on a supply price and the supermarke­t’s mark-up for each product, which determines the selling (or shelf) price. Few suppliers take issue with this process.

However, all four supermarke­ts also charge their SME suppliers a “rebate commission” — ranging between 6% and 16% of every order, which comprises various fees. A significan­t part of the commission is known as an “incentive fee”, which suppliers pay supermarke­ts for the privilege of having their stock on the shelf.

On average, Pick n Pay’s incentive fee is 5.8% of each order, which does not create any right for the products to remain on the shelf until sold or until their sell-by date. As one distributo­r said: “If a product is not performing in certain stores, Pick n Pay can delist you in all stores. One of the most frustratin­g aspects is that they delist products without informing you. The next time you visit the store, there are items that you have to take back, otherwise they will not place any more orders with you. If it were still on the shelf you could save the products for reselling, but in most cases it is just removed and dumped into return bins with broken items. It is normally such a mess that you cannot save anything and it is your loss.”

Pick n Pay’s rebate commission also includes a 2% “advertisin­g” fee, although there is no obligation by the supermarke­t to advertise the supplier’s product (advertisin­g in its broadsheet­s is an additional charge); a “settlement fee”, to ensure payment within 30 days; and a “swell allowance”, charged for the supermarke­t to carry the risk of over-ordering stock and damage to stock after delivery, even if caused by its own employees.

Different suppliers are charged different percentage­s, with no discernabl­e pattern. For example, some suppliers did not pay any rebate commission yet were paid within seven days. Other suppliers paid a 10% rebate commission and were paid within 30 days. Most suppliers were unaware that they had been contracted on different terms from their competitor­s.

Pick n Pay’s terms of trade also include an obligation to contribute to stores’ refurbishm­ent and the acquisitio­n of new stores. Suppliers reported that they made contributi­ons to stores that did not stock their products. There is a stipulatio­n that promotion costs are borne by the supplier. A penalty is triggered if a supplier fails to deliver a certain percentage, usually 95%, of orders over a year — even when nondeliver­y is caused by a distributi­on centre’s faulty refrigerat­ion facilities or because the products are not in season.

Suppliers reported they could not contest their contract terms because they would be blackliste­d and their products delisted.

Similar procuremen­t practices by UK supermarke­ts have been investigat­ed by the UK Competitio­n Commission, which argued: “The transfer or excessive risks or unexpected costs by grocery retailers to their suppliers is likely to lessen suppliers’ incentives to invest in new capacity, products and production processes. If unchecked, these practices would ultimately have a detrimenta­l effect on consumers.”

The South African study illustrate­s that supermarke­ts’ supply chain practices (with the exception of Spar franchises) transfer “excessive risk” to its SME suppliers.

The greatest risk for Pick n Pay’s suppliers is that each new order constitute­s a new contract and there is a constant threat of being delisted. Suppliers said these practices discourage­d them from employing additional people.

Despite comprehens­ive government food and safety standards, Woolworths, Pick n Pay and Shoprite Checkers demand compliance with their own stringent production and hygiene standards, arguing this is necessary for consumer protection.

Requiremen­ts include an air-locked bathroom, a basin with handles that can be manipulate­d with an elbow and specificat­ions for windows and tiles. The cost of fulfilling the specificat­ions and of annual audits is considerab­le. For its private label suppliers, Woolworths carries the audit costs.

Catherine Dolan and John Humphrey write in the Journal of Developmen­t Studies that standards are often a manifestat­ion of relative power. For example, UK supermarke­ts demand compliance from African suppliers but not from their Spanish counterpar­ts, underminin­g the justificat­ion that the standards protect consumers. Similarly, Spar’s products comply with public standards but compliance with private standards is not enforced.

Through these procuremen­t practices and private standards, supermarke­ts are effectivel­y determinin­g who enters the food supply chains and who is excluded, and the terms of their participat­ion. Their procuremen­t practices have profound public policy implicatio­ns — for the viability and growth of SMEs in the food industry and for their potential to create jobs.

Policy interventi­ons are needed. The state should regulate the contracts between supermarke­ts and small suppliers as it does other relationsh­ips marked by unequal power relations — for example, contracts between retailers and consumers, employers and employees, and franchiser­s and franchisee­s.

The government must regulate how private standards may be enforced, including provision for gradual compliance, and ensure that uncompetit­ive practices are eliminated. The practice of rebate commission­s has to be scrutinise­d by the Competitio­n Commission. And SME suppliers should enjoy representa­tion, as supermarke­ts do, on the South African Bureau of Standards, the retail committee of the National Empowermen­t Fund and the National Economic Developmen­t and Labour Council, which make policy decisions.

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