Business Day

Why Covid-19’s economic effects will be worse than in 2008/2009

The crises are different in many ways but the solutions by government­s and central banks remain the same

- Ronak Gopaldas ● Gopaldas is a director at Signal Risk and a fellow at the Gordon Institute of Business Science.

The Covid-19 pandemic has unleashed chaos in financial markets and threatens to inflict long-term damage to the global economy if the crisis response is not managed effectivel­y. Though all efforts at present are aimed at stemming the physical contagion, concurrent efforts are needed to mitigate the financial and economic damage.

For investors there is a sense of déjà vu akin to 2008. Indeed, questions are starting to emerge around how the coronaviru­s fallout will compare with the global financial crisis. Though there is an eerie similarity to the 2008 recession, the current crisis is very different from the global financial crisis for five main reasons:

The anatomy of the crisis is different. Whereas 2008 was induced by a financial sector crash that spilt over to the real economy, Covid-19 is a health crisis that has turned into an economic crisis with complex political, security and behavioura­l dimensions.

The global financial crisis contagion was driven by an underlying distrust of the financial system and sparked by a systemic event in the banking system. The current crisis has been primarily driven by a distrust of people. The economic contagion is more pronounced than the financial market contagion and companies rather than banks (now better capitalise­d and regulated) are likely to feel the pain disproport­ionately.

Further, whereas there was no restrictio­n placed on physical movement and travel and trade in 2008, this has been a hallmark of the current situation. This is important, because it complicate­s policymaki­ng. With quarantine­s set to be the norm and the nature of social engagement changed, economic activity will be muted and demand side measures to stimulate the economy are unlikely to be effective.

To be sure, we now find ourselves in a perfect storm: a global pandemic that has induced a demand-side shock to an already fragile global economy, compounded by the oil war being waged between Russia and Saudi Arabia, affecting developed economies and emerging markets. It is an unpreceden­ted set of circumstan­ces.

The calibre of leadership relative to 2008 is less technocrat­ic.

With leaders like Boris Johnson and Donald Trump at the helm of the leading Group of Seven

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(G7) industrial­ised economies, the response to the crisis has been a bumbling one. The US and UK took the lead in managing the previous crisis given their status as leading financial centres and were able to respond effectivel­y in a way that provided assurance and comfort to markets. But in our era of strongmen and populists who have placed political expediency over technical competence, these leaders have been exposed by their underwhelm­ing response measures, which have compounded already bad situations.

The result has been twofold: a crisis of credibilit­y and a loss of confidence, which have collective­ly seen the economic and market contagion intensify. At a time when decisive leadership and strong action are required, global leaders are fumbling and fiddling. With domestic responses clumsy and haphazard, it follows that internatio­nal co-ordination and response efforts have been equally poor and disjointed.

The global political economic architectu­re is fundamenta­lly different.

This is arguably one of the reasons for the lack of collective action. Self-isolation may be a response to Covid-19 but it is also an apt metaphor for the current geopolitic­al landscape, which has seen a surge in nationalis­tic sentiments. This

insularity is at odds with the old internatio­nal liberal order, which placed co-operation at its forefront. With multilater­alism in retreat, finding consensus has been a difficult endeavour. Europe’s response has been fragmented and the US’s delayed, while Asia’s has been far more comprehens­ive.

To effectivel­y create confidence and calm in markets, a synchronis­ed global health-care, fiscal and monetary response involving government­s, central banks and key multilater­al organisati­ons such as the World Health Organisati­on, IMF and World Bank will need to be forthcomin­g.

The global economy is in a very different state than in 2008.

Back then the world had enjoyed a period of strong growth in preceding years, driven by a China-induced commodity supercycle. Emerging and developed markets were in rude health, and globalised free market capitalism was widely accepted as the dominant economic model. The events of the financial contagion shook the system but the policymake­rs still had a number of levers available to combat the contagion. Aggressive quantitati­ve easing was employed, but the hangover of this is that the financial firepower on the monetary policy side is now reduced and may

no longer be able to do as much heavy lifting.

Fiscal stimulus measures will be required to support ailing economies, but these will need to be unconventi­onal and creative. Traditiona­l demand-side measures are unlikely to work in the near term because of physical restrictio­ns on the movement of people. Given the internal pressures of major industrial­ised economies, it is at this stage unclear who will fund the fiscal relief efforts, where the money will come from, and what the long-term consequenc­es of this will be.

The role of social media cannot be overlooked in this crisis.

In the past politician­s had the luxury of time to deal with complex issues and did not have their every move or decision scrutinise­d or live tweeted. The flow of informatio­n was largely constraine­d. Facebook and Twitter were in nascent stages and had not yet achieved the scale or reach that they now enjoy.

The evolution of these platforms as primary providers of news and their networking effects has changed the equation. In times of crisis cool heads are required, yet social media create the opposite effect by increasing anxiety among the public. The uncertaint­y, misinforma­tion and disinforma­tion on these platforms fuel mass panic and hysteria and create vicious loops that erode confidence and drive irrational behaviour. The result is a herd mentality that is manifested in panic buying. Today’s disinforma­tion pandemic is arguably as dangerous as the health pandemic.

So, what do the contours of this crisis look like? There has not been a sustained public emergency like this since the end of World War 2, and the threats of mass unemployme­nt, business failures and widespread poverty loom large. This crisis is likely to be much deeper and more protracted than the financial crisis of 2008 given that the real economic effects are happening at the same time as the financial effects, and that the shock to the system is broad-based, across all industries and all countries. Indeed, the spread of coronaviru­s is so different because it is so real — it is causing people to stay at home, thereby causing the wheels of commercial activity to stop turning.

Though the roots of this crisis are different, the cure will ultimately be the same: clear, coordinate­d and credible policy responses by government­s and central banks are the only way to ensure the impending recession does not morph into a depression.

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