Business Day

UK is odious in its blatant lack of fairness towards SA

- NICOLE FRITZ Fritz, a public interest lawyer, is CEO of Freedom Under Law.

Let me state upfront that in the fight for social justice, I’m not suggesting that visa wars will be the newest front. Nor, even if they were to be, that my family’s experience in any way represents the sharp end of that injustice. But let me tell you that the novel experience of applying for travel visas to the UK has me fuelled with all the righteous fervour of a new convert to a cause.

I say novel because I hold dual citizenshi­p but that is not the case for my young children, and so the extraordin­arily tedious process of providing an exacting minute-by-minute account of our whereabout­s during our planned 10-day UK stay, a sedulous showing of our multiyear financial records, and paying thousands of rand for the pleasure of doing so, is an endurance trial I’ve not previously encountere­d.

What really galls is that this requiremen­t is an entirely unilateral imposition. No-one familiar with home affairs’ treatment of foreigners can reasonably suggest that we don’t do virtually everything in our power to make it almost impossible for foreigners to live and work here. But we do let UK tourists visit our country for up to 90 days without requiring of them that they obtain a visa.

Reciprocit­y is an important principle of internatio­nal relations. It requires that the favours or benefits that are granted by one country to the citizens or legal entities of another should be reciprocal­ly offered. Clearly, in our case, the UK chooses neither to observe nor honour this principle.

You can be from the US or from Canada or Australia or Barbados or Botswana and you will not be required by the UK to obtain a visa for a short-term stay. You just can’t be from SA.

It isn’t only the principle of reciprocit­y, or rather its absence, that makes the asymmetry so odious. As the

UK well knows, ties between the peoples of the two countries are exceptiona­lly close. Many South Africans will have several family members living there.

And you might imagine that the UK would, given historical relations, want to foster goodwill rather than stoke resentment. There is the matter of historical debts. Those Cullinan diamonds, all nine of them, centrepiec­es of the UK’s crown jewels and meant to reflect the majesty and nobility of the British realm, are only the smallest mirrors of the enrichment these shores have bequeathed the UK. It’s a debt that can never be quantified only in financial terms. Three of my children’s great-grandfathe­rs, in an example I don’t believe to be exceptiona­l for many SA families, fought in World War 2 as part of the British war effort.

Those debts are ones the UK often has difficulty in acknowledg­ing. As recently as 2019, Jacob Rees-Mogg, leader of the British House of Commons, insisted the mortality rate in the concentrat­ion camps establishe­d by the British during the Anglo-Boer War was exactly the same as in Glasgow at the time. As Fransjohan Pretorius wrote in The Conversati­on, that is just bunkum: “the death rate for Boer civilians in the concentrat­ion camps in SA exceeded this [the Glasgow rate] by a factor of 10. It’s well establishe­d that 28,000 white people and 20,000 black people died in the various camps in SA.”

Rees-Mogg also grotesquel­y insisted that those interned in the camps had been placed there for their own protection.

All to say that an appeal to considerat­ions of fairness, to the “good sport” ethos said to underlie British character, may not get us very far.

Rather, the prevalent thinking for the entry restrictio­ns seems to be of a kind with that which kept SA on the red list long after there was a plausible reason for doing so, and indeed the thinking that enabled the nomination of Matt Hancock, former UK health secretary who resigned in disgrace, as the UN Economic Commission’s envoy for Africa.

With friends like these ...

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