Business Day

Education bill is necessary, but fails to synchronis­e aspiration­s and reality

The challenge lies in the department’s ability to implement revisions effectivel­y at scale

- Jonathan Molver ● Molver, a former UK primary school principal, is founding director of Proteus, which works with government, the private sector and civil society to build stronger, more equitable education systems.

The school and educator legislatio­n revision initiated in 2013 led to the publicatio­n of the Basic Education Law Amendment (Bela) Bill in 2017. Public hearings concluded on April 4, and the department has since announced that it will be proceeding with the revisions despite widespread opposition from the public and other political parties. The National Council of Provinces received 38,170 consultati­on submission­s, with a large number of clauses contested. While some have rejected the bill outright, on close inspection the proposed amendments appear to be grounded in evidence and are well placed to strengthen SA’s basic education sector. The challenge with the bill lies not in the proposed revisions, but in the department’s ability to implement them effectivel­y at scale.

The proposed revisions are both good and necessary, seeking to strengthen governance by addressing sections that have proved challengin­g for the sector. The department has used monitoring data to review challenges with regard to governance, accountabi­lity, access and quality, and has through a process of consultati­on proposed revisions to the SA Schools Act that will ostensibly ensure greater access, better quality and strengthen­ed accountabi­lity across the system.

This is evident in each of the 56 clauses in the bill. To illustrate the sound approach in developing the amendments, I will take a brief look at three of these. Clause 2 outlines compulsory school attendance beginning in grade R. This should be received as a necessary and important change given all we know about the benefits of early access to schooling on longer-term learning outcomes.

Clause 39 seeks to increase accountabi­lity for school governing bodies. Key amendments include “to provide that the head of department may, on reasonable grounds, dissolve a governing body that has ceased to perform its functions”, “to further regulate the circumstan­ces under which a governing body may pay additional remunerati­on or give any other financial benefit or benefit in kind to a state employee”, and “to extend the powers of the head of department to conduct an investigat­ion into the financial affairs of a public school”.

Given the high levels of fraud, nepotism, cronyism and corruption on governing bodies, this should be an amendment that we all welcome.

Clauses 4 and 5 (perhaps the most significan­t amendments) propose “to provide that the governing body of a public school must submit the admission and language policies of the public school to the head of department for approval”. The reality is that the right to determine admissions, languages and fees has allowed predominan­tly white and privileged communitie­s to maintain and “protect” their school intake.

Only recently have many begun adapting their admissions and language policies (often under duress from provincial government­s) to encourage a more diverse intake of pupils. This amendment is a bold and radical move to drive equity and inclusion by limiting the powers of governing bodies to, in effect, exclude on the basis of race, language and academic performanc­e.

The unfortunat­e part is that the bill appears to be another classic case of ideologica­l aspiration­s, built on evidence, that do not align with reality when we consider implementa­tion. Put differentl­y, the challenge with Bela lies not in whether these amendment should be adopted, but rather with how they will be implemente­d.

Let’s go back to the proposal to make grade R schooling compulsory for every child. The amendment considers the importance of attending formal schooling from an early age. But it does not appear to have considered the cost of implementa­tion. The financial burden of compulsory grade R schooling has been calculated at R5.12bn (in 2022). The infrastruc­ture cost alone is estimated at R12bn, and yet there is no breakdown for this in terms of salaries, training and materials.

It is also unclear what considerat­ion has been given to the quality and rigour of grade R schooling, and the subsequent increase in administra­tive oversight this will be required from provincial department­s. If it is to be successful, the introducti­on of compulsory grade R schooling should follow a phased approach based on resource availabili­ty and comprehens­ive planning.

The same is true for the clauses on strengthen­ed accountabi­lity. Though absolutely necessary, these amendments have also overlooked the need to create delivery capacity to scale. For example, heads of department have long held the power to remove functions from governing bodies, which have also long been subject to financial audits. Yet fraud and corruption are still rife in schools. The reality is that department­s don’t have the capacity to rigorously monitor and regulate governing bodies. Changing the act won’t suddenly change this. If we are going strengthen accountabi­lity, we need to build the institutio­nal capacity to do so.

The most controvers­ial clauses of Bela are the amendments to admissions and language policies. These have been perceived as an assault on Afrikaans-only medium schools, as the sections require that admission and language policies are submitted to the department and give it the final authority on both admissions and the language of education at a schools.

Every child deserves the right to attend a school where the language of instructio­n is their mother tongue, and this right should be preserved for all. But this right must be balanced with the right for every child to attend a quality school near their place of residence. There is often a fine line between realising the right to be taught in one’s home language and the benefits and cultural promotion and preservati­on that this represents, and excluding pupils from schools that are more geographic­ally accessible.

These sections of the act mitigate this tension by making provision for extensive public notice, public participat­ion, provision of clear grounds for decisions and appeal processes. These are necessary measures that once again highlight the administra­tive burden this will place on an already strained system.

The temptation, particular­ly with education, is to throw the baby out with the bathwater. We must avoid doing this with Bela. The bill has made a good start with an evidence-based and consultati­on-driven approach. But if the amendments are to be effective, sustained and scaled we need to do more. Critically, we need to realistica­lly reflect on how to develop the capacity required to deliver at scale, and then support this with robust plans and realistic budgets. These plans should be backed up with rigorous monitoring and evaluation frameworks that track implementa­tion, extract key lessons, and use these to iterate, adapt and improve.

If we can begin to move from ideology to action we might just begin to see the first green shoots of lasting change and transforma­tion that we’ve all been waiting for — and we may just be able to hang on to that bathwater we so desperatel­y need.

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