Cape Argus

Black women and the politics of invisibili­ty

- NTEBALENG MORAKE Ntebaleng Morake is a black radical militant feminist. She works as an education co-ordinator at the Social Justice Coalition. Morake is studying towards a Bachelor of Laws degree

THE MAKING OF South Africa is built on the backs of black women using exploitati­ve, racist, patriarcha­l and capitalist systems.

These methods are institutio­nalised and black women are always at the receiving end of their violence. To be black and female in South Africa is to exist in the margins of society.

In this article, I show the extent to which institutio­nalised patriarchy, hyper-masculinit­y and whiteness is in South Africa by reflecting on how our country treated Mam Winnie Madikizela Mandela and her legacy.

The life of black women in South Africa is a battlegrou­nd for utter invisibili­ty and hyper-visibility. Black women are always watched, but they are never seen. Black women exist in both the extremes of invisibili­ty or hyper-visibility and that comes from a history of whiteness and patriarchy dehumanisi­ng black women.

We see this in the life and legacy of Mama Winnie Madikizela Mandela.

Madikizela Mandela was constantly under surveillan­ce from both the apartheid government and by black men in the liberation struggle. She was constantly under surveillan­ce and this meant that when she entered spaces, there was anticipati­on from forces of patriarchy and whiteness that she will act in resistance and rebellion.

In 2018, black women continue to be put under surveillan­ce by the same forces.

Being under surveillan­ce and being forced into hyper-visibility is dehumanisi­ng because it is based on a perceived deviance and othering. This means that when black women are forced into hyper-visibility, there is a gaze that follows them.

For many black women, utter invisibili­ty and hyper-visibility are used by whiteness, capitalism and patriarchy to keep black women “in their place”.

Like hyper-visibility, invisibili­ty is violence and it thrives on stripping the subject of their power. When you are invisible, you are dehumanise­d.

However, the invisibili­ty that is imposed on black women is more brutal because of the inherent racialised and gendered intersecti­ons of power. This means that invisibili­ty for black women is not only systematic, but is deliberate.

This systematic, institutio­nal and deliberate invisibili­ty in the South African context is often imposed on black women for speaking and acting against what patriarchy and whiteness expects from black women. In most patriarcha­l and racist societies like South Africa, deliberate invisibili­ty often follows hyper-visibility.

We saw how the hyper-visibility imposed on Madikizela Mandela’s life by the apartheid government painted a narrative about her and this resulted in her being forced into invisibili­ty in post 1994 South Africa. Her imposed invisibili­ty post 1994 was used as punishment for her defiance against capitalism, whiteness and patriarchy. This shows how deliberate invisibili­ty for black women is used as punishment and that punishment is often positioned as excusable.

Black women’s lives are marked by everyday struggles of existing in the extremes of both visibility and invisibili­ty. Black women cannot continue to be subjected to a white and patriarcha­l gaze.

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