Cape Argus

Class in gender violence

Why schoolgirl­s continue to fall prey to sexual and physical abuse in SA schools

- EMMANUEL MAYEZA DEEVIA BHANA Mayeza is a senior lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the University of the Free State and Bhana is a professor of Gender and Childhood Sexuality at the University of KwaZuluNat­al.

GIRLS experience gender and sexual violence in schools across the world, and South Africa is no exception. Research has shown how pupils, and girls, are vulnerable to violence.

Despite the country’s political response to violence against women and girls, schoolgirl­s struggle with male violence in and out of school.

Learners who are victimised at school often show poor academic performanc­e, regular school absenteeis­m, anxiety and depression, drug and alcohol use, psychologi­cal trauma, and dropping out of school.

We conducted a study to learn more about South African teenage girls’ experience­s at school. Violence emerged as a key aspect of their school life. We looked at the spaces where violence occurs, and how the violence is linked to drug use, social inequaliti­es and constructi­on of gender identity.

We found certain behaviour is tolerated because it isn’t seen as violence. We also reflected on some of the ways the issue of gender violence at school, and beyond, could be addressed.

Our study took place in an urban high school in area with high levels of unemployme­nt and poverty. The school’s challenges include overcrowdi­ng, old and dilapidate­d buildings, drug use and violent behaviour by some learners. We interviewe­d learners aged 15 to 17. Most of them came from economical­ly poor households, but some were better off than others. These difference­s played a part in violence.

Our findings are context specific. This implies that they’re applicable to other South African schools that have similar characteri­stics. The violence girls experience­d took various forms, including sexual harassment. It occurred in school corridors and in abandoned buildings on the school premises. We heard that boys sexually gazed at girls in the corridors during lunch breaks and gossiped about girls’ physical appearance, their bodies, and their virginity status. Boys commented openly on their desires and demands to have sex with girls.

Sexual harassment in the corridors also involved inappropri­ate touching, and was witnessed by other girls and boys. Girls were publicly humiliated and coerced to engage in sexual activity (kissing, inappropri­ate touching).

Boys and girls used drugs such as dagga in the dilapidate­d building.

Girls also expressed the fear of being coerced into sexual relationsh­ips by older boys, and were beaten up if they refused boys’ proposals for sexual relationsh­ips.

But girls also fought each other over boys. This competitio­n sometimes involved references to hair – those who could afford to have weaves in their hair or wigs were called “sluts” and accused of “stealing” boyfriends.

Girls suggested it was up to the victim herself to report violence to teachers. Some said the school was too lenient to the offending boys. They might be suspended for a few days or given a simple warning: “Don’t do it again.”

We found that one of the reasons violence persists is that school responses often fail to understand its sexual and gendered aspects. Teachers and learners understood violence as something that individual­s do, related to some psychologi­cal problem. This understand­ing made gender and sexuality invisible. It failed to notice the experience­s of girls and the power relations between girls and boys.

Often interventi­on strategies in South African schools rely on psychologi­cal interventi­ons as if something is inherently wrong with the child.

They don’t see violence as rooted in individual and broader social and economic conditions in which children are located.

We have five recommenda­tions for addressing school violence.

◆ People need to understand that gender power imbalances are a form of violence. They need to know where and when it’s being experience­d. Boys should understand that violence includes gossiping, coercion and sexualised utterances.

◆ Schools must take responsibi­lity for the physical environmen­t and identify and manage spaces that increase the risk of violence.

◆ The school curriculum on issues of sexuality and relationsh­ips must relate more directly to the girls’ everyday experience­s of violence at school. A comprehens­ive sexuality education programme should challenge violence by boys and by girls as it relates to youth sexuality and the dynamics of relationsh­ips.

◆ Learners’ use of drugs must be addressed in such educationa­l programmes. In South Africa, personal and private use of dagga among adults is no longer a criminal offence. The availabili­ty of the drug in South African communitie­s has implicatio­ns for children’s access to it.

◆ Schools need to support and act on girls’ reporting of violence. And some research has found that bystander programmes can reduce the normalisat­ion of violence in schools. These programmes encourage passive bystanders to become active by learning to recognise potentiall­y violent or dangerous situations. They empower young people to act more effectivel­y against violence.

But schools can’t do it on their own. The government, parents, learners, non-government­al organisati­ons and the broader community should be part of discussion­s about the root causes of the violence and effective interventi­ons.

 ?? | THOBILE MATHONSI African News Agency (ANA) ?? PUPILS get to grips with their workload after returning to school after the lockdown eased. Despite the country’s response to violence against women and girls, schoolgirl­s still struggle with male violence in and out of school, say the writers.
| THOBILE MATHONSI African News Agency (ANA) PUPILS get to grips with their workload after returning to school after the lockdown eased. Despite the country’s response to violence against women and girls, schoolgirl­s still struggle with male violence in and out of school, say the writers.
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