Cape Argus

Fuel supply’s weakest link

From the recent widespread violence, it appears the main threats are land-based

- ROD CROMPTON Crompton is an adjunct professor, African Energy Leadership Centre, Wits Business School at the University of the Witwatersr­and

THE civil unrest besetting South Africa raises questions about the security of fuel supplies. What are the risks down the value chain – from supply to consumptio­n? Without fuel to farm with or to bring food from the farms to the cities, hunger follows.

Oil companies and government­s are usually awake to the strategic role played by liquid fuels and have special measures to protect supply and logistics. Much of South Africa’s measures are apartheid-era hangovers that have eroded with time. Periodic risk assessment­s have been done, but many assumed a calm society. It seems there was inadequate attention given to the risks imposed by a broken social compact.

Where do the biggest risks lie? South Africa has always been heavily dependent on imported fuel. Its synthetic fuel (from coal) capability – developed during the apartheid era to overcome the oil sanctions imposed by the UN – accounts for the balance.

But the risk to imports seems low. This leaves front-line security risks to fuel supply in South Africa. From the patterns of violence over the past week it appears that the threats to fuel supply are land based. They come from following types of groups:

◆ Politicall­y motivated insurrecti­onists seeking to undermine the democratic project organised crime (Mafias). The South African constructi­on industry has been beset by racketeeri­ng Mafias armed with automatic weapons and demanding “protection” money.

◆ Small-time thieves.

◆ Occasional looters.

◆ Weak or complicit policing. The institutio­nal weakening of law and order that took place during the “state capture” period associated with former president Jacob Zuma’s term of office, may have been a contributo­ry factor. Who is, and who isn’t doing the damage?

The fact that certain groups managed to close the economic umbilical cord – the main road from South Africa’s largest port in Durban to its industrial heartland, Gauteng – for several days reveals some level of organisati­on and determinat­ion as well as the weakness of the authoritie­s.

Most of South Africa’s fuel is delivered by ship. Unlike countries like Somalia and Nigeria, South Africa’s domestic Mafias have not yet expanded into piracy.

Crude oil is delivered by very large vessels to the single buoy mooring off-shore Durban which is visible from shore.

But no nefarious groups have yet shown any marine procliviti­es. In addition, crude oil has no immediate local value given that it needs refining. The single buoy mooring seems low risk for the time being.

What about the risks to refineries?

The immediate threat to a refinery is a workforce that cannot get to work and back. The next threat is posed by capacity.

This is what lay behind the decisions by Shell and BP to close their refinery in Durban last week.

South Africa also imports petroleum products, delivered by ship to the main ports Durban, Richards Bay and Cape Town.

Tight security is paramount. The recent looting of containers in Durban harbour doesn’t speak well of harbour security. To steal the fuel you need at least one large truck. This wouldn’t be easy to sneak into a harbour. Most of this kind of theft has been more along the lines of fraud in the paperwork, such as false volumes, which the oil companies are continuall­y countering.

Road tankers are slow, soft targets often moving through built up areas.

The rioting and insurrecti­on in KwaZulu-Natal started with the torching of more than 20 trucks on the main road from Durban to the industrial heartland at the sleepy town of Mooi River. Attacks on trucks have happened repeatedly at this location for several years. It is inexplicab­le that law enforcemen­t authoritie­s appear to have done nothing about it.

It is such a glaring oversight that it prompts questions about, at best, utter ineptitude, or at worst, complicity.

A lot of people know about fuel’s explosive qualities and although there are those who might take a chance, stealing petroleum products is more the preserve of Mafias. This was evident in the theft of several million litres from a pipeline at Van Reenen – some 270kms from Durban – where several large road tankers were arranged to cart the fuel away.

Inland, there are further storage depots in the logistics chain. They are required by law to install certain protective measures. These appear to have either worked or they haven’t been on the radar of those seeking to do damage.

From the depots, fuel is roadhauled to service stations and retailed to motorists.

Because South African law prohibits motorists from filling their own vehicles, service stations normally have several pump attendants on hand and are well lit at night, making them relatively safe. In the current round of unrest many service station proprietor­s had locked up shop, making it difficult for thieves to access undergroun­d storage tanks.

South Africa will need to reassess its risk profiles at each link in its on-land fuel supply chain. The most vulnerable seem to be the refineries, road delivery and the transport corridor from Durban to Gauteng – both pipeline and road.

 ?? | DOCTOR NGCOBO African News Agency (ANA) ?? THE Engen fuel refinery on the Bluff, Durban. The biggest threats to South Africa’s fuel supply are land-based, says the writer.
| DOCTOR NGCOBO African News Agency (ANA) THE Engen fuel refinery on the Bluff, Durban. The biggest threats to South Africa’s fuel supply are land-based, says the writer.
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