Cape Argus

SA needs a maritime plan

- FRANCOIS VREŸ Research co-ordinator at the Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa at Stellenbos­ch University

SOUTH Africa has 2 798km of coastline. Yet, oddly, the country doesn’t have a coherent maritime strategy underpinne­d by a related national strategy to safeguard its maritime interests.

This omission was underscore­d again recently by an evolving master plan for South Africa’s oceans. The document is significan­t as it brings the importance of South Africa’s oceans into sharper focus. But this shouldn’t obscure the fact that the government’s commitment to comprehens­ively harness the ocean to help arrest economic decline has been disappoint­ing.

The document also underscore­s the absence of a coherent and comprehens­ive policy. In countries where this has been done well – such as New Zealand and Ghana – policies have been developed that encompass the economic value of a country’s oceans, as well as the vulnerabil­ity they present from a security point of view.

A three-step process would put South Africa’s maritime security house in order. The first would be to create a well-designed government-led process that includes a high-office body and core stakeholde­rs. This would lead directly into the second step – the mapping of the country’s national maritime interests as well as the threats it faces. The third step would be the creation of an integrated national maritime strategy.

The growing trend internatio­nally is for countries to be explicit about their maritime interests and back this with dedicated institutio­nal commitment­s to promote, develop and defend them if required. It’s time South Africa followed suit.

Some efforts have been made at getting a policy framework in place. The most recent is the Draft Framework on South Africa’s National Interest.

The evolving master plan and Operation Phakisa – launched by the country’s presidency in July 2014 to hasten solutions to “critical developmen­t issues” – stress the critical importance of the oceans economy to South

Africa’s overall economic interests.

The master plan also outlines good statistics on the potential contributi­on the oceans economy holds for the country.

But neither of these adds up to an integrated and credible maritime security plan for the country. The overall picture is one of working in silos, seemingly without co-ordination.

A recent communiqué from the SADC Heads of State meeting in the Democratic Republic of Congo noted that the maritime security of southern Africa is not what it should be and that a regional maritime strategy must be implemente­d.

There are examples that South Africa could learn from. There are sound strategies on maritime security emerging among Gulf of Guinea countries, Kenya in the Horn region, and the emphasis by Seychelles on security to harness the economic potential of its maritime territorie­s.

Countries like Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Seychelles and Mauritius have made strides.

Beyond Africa, the UK recently launched its national maritime security strategy. For its part, China has turned its attention to the importance of the oceans in pursuit of its national interests.

This ambition features alongside the military build-up in the western Indian Ocean with a focus on the

Horn region and southern strands to Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles and Maldives.

The naval profile unfolds alongside a much larger oceans agenda made up of security, safety, climate change, functional connectivi­ty, and a thriving blue economy.

A first step is to appoint a highlevel entity to oversee maritime affairs in South Africa. A Department of Maritime Affairs is an attractive idea. But a powerful steering committee reporting to the presidency is probably a more attainable start.

This practice is growing. New Zealand and Ghana have taken this approach.

Next there needs to be a detailed mapping of interests on existing and new domains. An example is the security of underwater cable infrastruc­ture – locally and regionally.

The maritime domain has essentiall­y become too important to leave within a vague and broad set of statements like South Africa’s recent framework document. Clearly articulate­d national interests with a maritime underpinni­ng should inform an integrated national maritime security strategy.

In my view, this is imperative for three reasons.

First, existing plans and documents are too vague about a credible security foundation for South Africa’s dependence on, and use of, the oceans. This leaves too much room for ambiguity about what must be secured.

Second, the absence of a strategy inherently forfeits the value in planning for shifts in maritime interests as well as the dynamic modern strategic maritime environmen­t.

A third aspect stems from the value of a maritime security strategy to inform collaborat­ion with regional and internatio­nal partners (other African countries).

Having a maritime strategy presents opportunit­ies for maritime diplomacy – whether coercive, co-operative or more persuasive in kind.

South Africa is also very explicit in its foreign policy about commitment to SADC and Africa. The AU’s AIMS-2050 and Lomé Charter as well as Agenda 2063 alongside the UN Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals have explicit maritime objectives that call for co-operation. Collective­ly, these framework documents guide and expect South Africa to be in step with its own strategies.

The question is: What does South Africa bring to the maritime table?

Not a great deal, is the answer. This means it can’t support and co-operate with higher order African maritime architectu­res. It seemingly remains up to academia, NGOs, individual state department­s and agencies to play many of the constructi­ve maritime roles on the internatio­nal stage.

South Africa comes across as being out of touch with maritime security developmen­ts on the continent and beyond.

There is no doubt that encouragin­g work is being done on South Africa’s ocean landscapes. This work unfortunat­ely stems more from collection­s of actors in national department­s, agencies, NGOs, and academia shining the light on the country’s critical maritime interests.

But this hasn’t been translated into a coherent strategy. The ultimate responsibi­lity rests with the higher echelons of government. It is national government that must orchestrat­e the opportunit­ies, actors and beneficiar­ies that will give expression to Operation Phakisa’s extensive oceans agenda.

Having a maritime strategy presents opportunit­ies for maritime diplomacy – whether coercive, co-operative or more persuasive in kind

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