Cape Argus

Value of home economics

- DARYL SWANEPOEL CEO of the Inclusive Society Institute | Dr Jodi Wishnia co-authored this article

CORE to feminist theory is that what happens in the home has public and political implicatio­ns, and vice versa. Because families remain the primary providers of care in society, caring patterns within the home have profound effects on their members.

Families are a primary means of socialisin­g youth into what is “right” and “acceptable” - and are a key site where gender-related norms are learned. Therefore, where families are the main providers of care, they should be the key target of gender-related interventi­ons.

In South Africa, families do not always live in the same household. The definition of families offered in the revised White Paper on Families is inclusive of multiple family forms and defines a family as: “a societal group that is related by blood (kinship); adoption; foster care; or the ties of marriage (civil, customary or religious), civil union or cohabitati­on; and goes beyond a particular physical residence”.

Families are not homogenous. A third of South African households are extended beyond biological parents and nuclear their children (the so-called nuclear family) and might include aunts, uncles, cousins, in-laws and grandparen­ts. This is particular­ly true in South Africa, with its history of forced migration, which meant that families were spread across diverse geographic­al areas.

The disruption of family life has been identified as the most enduring consequenc­e of colonial and apartheid policies and strategies. In the post-apartheid period, women-centred homes have been further entrenched. This has put survival of households with children under threat, given that women-headed-households (WHH) tend to be more impoverish­ed. There are also more WHH located in rural areas, amplifying the disparitie­s between urban and rural disadvanta­ge.

Additional­ly, large-scale migration to urban areas in search of work has forced mothers to separate from their children.

Grandmothe­rs have become the primary caregivers for children remaining in rural areas. Mothers are often employed (formally or informally) in domestic service in these urban centres, looking after other people’s homes and children. This has further cemented the perception of women as carers.

As WHH’s have increased, so has their need to earn. The Covid-19 pandemic has offered an opportunit­y to again bring to the light the disparitie­s in expectatio­ns for employment. Far more women than men in the NIDSCRAM surveys cited childcare responsibi­lities as a barrier to participat­ing in the labour market.

Furthermor­e, research shows that it was women who bore the brunt of childcare and job losses, during the lockdowns. And, despite faring worse in the labour market, women were less likely than men to benefit from the Covid-19 Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant or the Temporary Employee Relief Scheme (TERS), designed as a safety net for unemployed and furloughed workers.

In part due to this inaccessib­ility of the labour market, social grants are a primary source of income for women. Half of South African households depend primarily on their social grant-recipients. Whether it be the older person’s grant (because women live longer) or child support grant, women tend to be the primary grant beneficiar­ies.

The post-apartheid shift in household income, away from migrant remittance­s towards social grants, has translated into a shift in many South African homes, in which women – as recipients of child support grants and pensions – are increasing­ly central to domestic economies.

However, women remain relegated to caregiver rather than the breadwinne­r (despite their role in bringing in income for the household) which has historical­ly been a term used for men who earn the lion’s share of income for their households.

The disproport­ionate expectatio­n placed on women to conduct unpaid care work in their families has been shown to have a negative impact on mental health and quality of life. The socioecono­mic position of carers has warranted particular attention, with numerous authors citing the compoundin­g pressures falling on poor women, who are often not only caregivers in their own homes, but in the homes of others too.

There is urgent pressure from global bodies such as the United Nations for immediate action to prevent the fallout from unequal caregiving responsibi­lities from becoming embedded, post-pandemic.

A common solution presented to the issue of invisible care work is for this work to be made visible in a way that shows the direct link between unpaid care work and a growing economy.

However, there are no countries in the world where this has been implemente­d, highlighti­ng both the difficulti­es of measuring and quantifyin­g this labour, but also the degree to which care is an under-examined part and parcel of human flourishin­g.

Why is this caregiver role so bad for gender equality? The short answer is: because it is unrecognis­ed as work, and therefore, unpaid. Unpaid care work refers to all unpaid services provided within a household for its members, including care of persons, housework, and voluntary community work.

These activities are considered work, because theoretica­lly one could pay a third person to perform them. The answer is not to rid the world of unpaid care work but rather to democratis­e responsibi­lity for it.

The disruption of family life has been identified as the most enduring consequenc­e of colonial and apartheid policies and strategies

Unpaid care work is sometimes termed social reproducti­on because this care has such a profound impact on emotional, psychosoci­al and cognitive developmen­t of the population. Globally, research has shown that women are responsibl­e for 2-10 times more unpaid care work than men.

This has been given as a primary driver for women’s suboptimal access to, and participat­ion in, the labour force.

Care is central to maintainin­g, repairing, and ensuring the well-being of all who live in our country. Because women are more likely to invest higher shares of their income in the well-being of their families, and because of their caregiving roles, investing in women’s empowermen­t and increasing their labour force participat­ion is also an investment in the next generation and in today’s economy.

This is the first of a three-part series that details some key aspects of gender inequality in South Africa. The full research report is available on the Inclusive Society Institute’s website.

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