Cape Argus

History need not repeat itself this time

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ON APRIL 27, we will hold the annual celebratio­n commemorat­ing the arrival of democracy in our country. But this year is special because the 30th birthday of freedom will be followed by the most significan­t national election since 1994. For the first time, the outcome of the poll is largely unknown.

We can only hope that our hardfought-for democracy will be handed over to a caring government that will move us onto safer ground. This is vital during these uncertain times when people fear for their and their children’s future.

How did we get here?

As the prominent American political scientist Ronald Inglehart observed, people’s values and behaviour are shaped by the extent to which they feel secure. When they consider themselves to be economical­ly and physically safe, people value their freedoms but when survival is at stake, they are inclined to close ranks behind a strong leader. The tendency is called the authoritar­ian reflex, a phenomenon that first made its unwelcome appearance in Italy and Germany after the World War I.

Italy, even though one of the winners in the war, failed to use victory as the basis on which to consolidat­e its democracy. Despite the post-war economic crisis and the resultant social turmoil in 1919 and 1920, the liberal elite were unwilling to switch to a democracy featuring a coalition of political parties. By refusing to contemplat­e an alliance with the Italian Socialist Party and the Italian Popular Party, they had paved the way for the seizure of power by a radical far-right brand of nationalis­m, which then led to fascism.

Fasci di combattime­nto – or fighting leagues, better known as Fascists – were the creation of the strong leader, Benito Mussolini. On an anti-Left and anti-Bolshevik crusade, blackshirt­ed members of the leagues gradually expanded their influence to the national level and then formed a Fascist political party. By April 1924, in an atmosphere of violence and intimidati­on, the Fascist-dominated bloc won an absolute majority in parliament. During the following two years. constituti­onal rule ended: opposition parties and unions were dissolved, and elections were abolished along with free speech and free associatio­n. By the end of the 1930s, anti-Semitic laws were introduced and a close alliance with Nazi Germany was establishe­d. Italian democracy died.

Germany, in the wake of its defeat by the Allies, was branded an internatio­nal villain. The post-war Treaty of Versailles of 1919 imposed punishing war reparation­s on the country, leaving the nation struggling with the psychologi­cal after effects of defeat and the heavy burden of war debts. The massive hyperinfla­tion of 1923 was followed by the fallout of the Great Depression that had left some six million people unemployed. The dire economic conditions led to popular discontent with the government and, as in Italy, ushered a strong leader who, it was believed, would restore Germany to its former glory.

Enter Adolf Hitler, an ardent nationalis­t who blamed the defeat in World War I on weak domestic leadership and on Jewish, communist and internatio­nal conspiracy. Hitler establishe­d the fascist National Socialist German Workers’ party, known as the Nazi party, and in 1923, announced to an enthusiast­ic welcome by his fervent brown-shirted supporters his intention to overthrow the democratic government. This was ultimately achieved by stealth, rather than a “putsch”. At the onset of the Great Depression in 1929, the Nazi party held 12 seats in the parliament; by 1932, it became the largest party and started its drive to force the resignatio­n of the president, Paul von Hindenburg. By 1933, the aim was reached and Hitler was named chancellor, an event that marked the death of democracy in Germany and mapped the road to World War II.

India is governed by the hardline nationalis­t Narendra Modi. The narrative of his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party holds that the originally pure Hindu state had its Muslim minorities imposed upon it through colonisati­on.

Modi’s ethnonatio­nalist rule undermines the country’s constituti­onal commitment to Muslim and Christian minorities. His Hindutva ideology is hugely successful and is threatenin­g to turn India into a Russian-style “managed democracy”, that is to say, a system that has all the hallmarks of a democracy but is, in fact, operating as an autocracy.

In Turkey, the followers of Islam rally behind strongman Recep Tayyip Erdogan who targets any institutio­n or group standing in his way to reshape Turkey into a Muslim country. The narrative is based on discrimina­tory views claiming, among others, that woman’s rights undermine traditiona­l Islamic family values. From a leader overseeing an era of reform and prosperity in the 2000s, Erdogan has turned into an autocrat, despite the democratic instinct of the deeply polarised society remaining alive.

Latin America is seeing a widespread shift with right-wing leaders drawing support from conservati­ve electorate set against cultural change and minority rights, and those who blame their erstwhile leftist government­s for the miserable living conditions. Rising social polarisati­on and growing intoleranc­e of dissent, combined with institutio­nal mistrust, imperil democracy in the region by deepening the disconnect between citizens and government.

In other parts of the Middle East and Asia, as well as in Africa, there are too many examples to mention, though one case close to home merits close attention. The former ANC Youth League leader, Julius Malema, following his expulsion from the ANC, establishe­d the right-wing EFF. Malema presents himself as the “commander-in-chief” to his ardent followers, the red-clad brigade who congregate en masse, chanting the liberation Struggle songs “One Settler, One Bullet” and “Kill The Boer, Kill The Farmer”.

The “commander’s” ideas on how to get the country out of the social and economic quagmire include asking China to reopen all the coal mines and invite Russia to build nuclear power stations to help South Africa resolve its dire power shortages. The EFF manifesto calls for expropriat­ion of land without compensati­on and for the nationalis­ation of mines and banks, also without compensati­on.

And then there are the two hot spots, with the potential to ignite a global conflagrat­ion. The rallying of far-right nationalis­t supporters behind the intransige­nt Benjamin Netanyahu goes a long way to explain the relentless military offensive by Israel in Gaza, even in the face of increasing censure by global public opinion and calls for immediate terminatio­n of hostilitie­s on humanitari­an grounds. Vladimir Putin claims he can return Russia to its former glory by pursuing territoria­l expansion on spurious historical grounds and by brutally eliminatin­g all internal opposition, as did Hitler.

Severe post-World War I economic deprivatio­ns were behind the first wave of the authoritar­ian reflex

As we celebrate the 30th anniversar­y of our relatively young democracy, we can only hope, as did Albert Einstein in a speech he gave at the Royal Albert Hall in October 1933, that “the present crisis will lead to a better world”. That didn’t happen then, but maybe we are wiser now?

 ?? AYANDA NDAMANE Independen­t Newspapers ?? EFF leader Julius Malema addresses supporters at an election campaign rally. When people consider themselves to be economical­ly and physically safe, they value their freedoms but when survival is at stake, they tend to close ranks behind a strong leader in what is called the authoritar­ian reflex, says the writer. |
AYANDA NDAMANE Independen­t Newspapers EFF leader Julius Malema addresses supporters at an election campaign rally. When people consider themselves to be economical­ly and physically safe, they value their freedoms but when survival is at stake, they tend to close ranks behind a strong leader in what is called the authoritar­ian reflex, says the writer. |
 ?? ?? PROF URSULA VAN BEEK
Director of the Centre for Research on Democracy at Stellenbos­ch University
PROF URSULA VAN BEEK Director of the Centre for Research on Democracy at Stellenbos­ch University

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